Advertisement

After Gallipoli: Empire, Nation and Diversity in Multicultural Turkey and Australia

  • Andrew Jakubowicz
  • Ahmet İçduygu

Abstract

Gallipoli has played a critical role in the formation of national identity, and remains a significant part of contemporary identities for both Turkey and Australia.1 This chapter explores the ways in which the development of a racialised or ethno-culturally bound modernity in Australia and Turkey has followed a similar path, notwithstanding the very great differences in the histories of the countries, their political geographies, and their contemporary challenges. However real and important such differences may be, the struggle to create a state that can encompass diversity while claiming singularity offers a shared contradiction. As Bacek Ince has observed in her study of Turkey’s struggle with citizenship and identity, the formation of a fully republican citizenship requires the assertion of ‘constitutional patriotism’, where membership of the nation and full participation can accommodate cultural and linguistic pluralism.2 The challenges for Australia are not dissimilar.

Keywords

Political Identity Globalized World Australian Government Legislative Council Turkish State 
These keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves.

Preview

Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.

Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.

Notes

  1. 1.
    See Nicholas Toscano (2009) ‘Gallipoli Diggers and the “Forgotten” Holocaust’, Eureka Street, 19 (7), 17;Google Scholar
  2. Brad West (2008) ‘Enchanting Pasts: The Role of International Civil Religious Pilgrimage in Reimagining National Collective Memory’, Sociological Theory, 26 (3), 258–70;CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  3. Brad West (2010a) ‘Dialogical Memorialization, International Travel and the Public Sphere: A Cultural Sociology of Commemoration and Tourism at the First World War Gallipoli Battlefields’, Tourist Studies, 10 (3), 209–25;CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  4. Brad West (2010b) ‘Turkish Memorialization at Gallipoli: Rethinking the Commemoration/Tourism Nexus’, School of Sociology, Politic and International Studies, University of Bristol, Working Paper 04–10, www.bristol.ac.uk/media-library/sites/spais/migrated/documents/west0410.pdf, accessed 12 November 2014; Rachel Woodlock (2011) ‘Being an Aussie Mossie: Muslim and Australian Identity Among Australian-born Muslims’, Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations, 22 (4), 391–407; and Bart Ziino (2006) ‘Who Owns Gallipoli? Australia’s Gallipoli Anxieties 1915–2005’, Journal of Australian Studies, 30 (88), 1–12.Google Scholar
  5. 2.
    Bacek Ince (2012) Citizenship and Identity in Turkey: From Atatürk’s Republic to the Present Day (London: I.B. Tauris), 20.Google Scholar
  6. 3.
    Geoffrey Robertson (2014) An Inconvenient Genocide: Who Now Remembers the Armenians? (Sydney: Random House), 46ff.Google Scholar
  7. 4.
    Aysel Morin and Ronald Lee (2010) ‘Constitutive Discourse of Turkish Nationalism: Atatürk’s Nutuk and the Rhetorical Construction of the “Turkish People”’, Communication Studies, 61 (5), 486.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  8. 5.
    Marilyn Lake (2005) ‘The White Australia Policy’, in Ann Curthoys and Marilyn Lake (eds), Connected Worlds: History in Transnational Perspective (Canberra: ANU E-Press), http://press.anu.edu.au/cw/mobile_devices/chl3s05.html, accessed 3 August 2014.Google Scholar
  9. 6.
    Warwick Anderson (2002) The Cultivation of Whiteness: Science, Health and Racial Destiny in Australia (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press).Google Scholar
  10. 7.
    Pankaj Mishra (2012) From the Ruins of Empire: The Revolt Against the West and the Remaking of Asia (London: Allen Lane).Google Scholar
  11. 10.
    We merely sketch the debate here. For an indication see Vahagn Avedian (2012) ‘State Identity, Continuity, and Responsibility: The Ottoman Empire, the Republic of Turkey and the Armenian Genocide’, European Journal of International Law, 23 (3), 797–820, arguing the case for the genocide, andCrossRefGoogle Scholar
  12. Guenter Lewy (2005) The Armenian Massacres in Ottoman Turkey (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press), disputing the case. While there is agreement on the large-scale loss of life, the disputation is over intent, responsibility and contemporary consequences, and whether the events meet the definition of genocide as discussed by Robertson, An Inconvenient Genocide. Google Scholar
  13. 13.
    Benedict Anderson (1991) Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London: Verso).Google Scholar
  14. 14.
    Robin Gerster and Peter Pierce (eds) (2004) On the War Path: An Anthology of Australian Military Travel (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press).Google Scholar
  15. 15.
    Ernest Scott (1916/2002) A Short History of Australia (A Project Gutenberg of Australia e-book), http://gutenberg.net.au/ebooks02/0200471.txt, accessed 23 November 2014.Google Scholar
  16. 18.
    Erik Jan Zürcher (1996) ‘Between Death and Desertion: The Experience of the Ottoman Soldier in World War I’, Turcica, 28, 235–58;CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  17. Edward J. Erickson (2001) Order to Die: A History of the Ottoman Army in the First World War (Westport: Greenwood Press);Google Scholar
  18. Nora Fisher Onar (2009) ‘Echoes of a Universalism Lost: Rival Representations of the Ottomans in Today’s Turkey’, Middle Eastern Studies, 45 (2), 229–41.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  19. 19.
    Ahmet İçduygu, Sule Toktas and B. Ali Soner (2007) ‘The Politics of Population in a Nation-Building Process: Emigration of non-Muslims from Turkey’, Ethnic and Racial Studies, 31 (2), 358–89.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  20. 20.
    Although in 1839 a system of conscription was introduced in the Ottoman military through the Gulhane proclamation, and in July 1909 the military service law made it compulsory for all Ottoman subjects to serve, non-Muslim Ottoman citizens in the grey climate of early twentieth century were reluctant to serve in the army. In the classical Ottoman system, non-Muslims were exempted from serving based on a tax system. The leaders of the Greek, Assyrian, Armenian, and Bulgarian communities agreed to the military service on paper, but non-Muslims never actively participated in conscription. For the details see Erik Jan Zürcher (1998) ‘The Ottoman Conscription System, 1844–1914’, International Review of Social History, 43 (3), 437–49.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  21. 21.
    Ahmet İçduygu, Yılmaz Çolak and Nalan Soyarik (1999) ‘What is the Matter with Citizenship? A Turkish Debate’, Middle Eastern Studies, 35 (4), 187–208.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  22. 22.
    Ryan Gingeras (2009) Sorrowful Shores: Violence, Ethnicity and the End of the Ottoman Empire 1912–1923 (Oxford: Oxford University Press).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  23. 23.
    Feroz Ahmad (1993) The Making of Modern Turkey (London: Routledge).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  24. 26.
    Kemal Kirişçi (2000) ‘Disaggregating Turkish Citizenship and Immigration Practices’, Middle Eastern Studies, 36 (3), 1–22.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  25. 27.
    Rifat N. Bali (2000) Cumhuriyet Yıllarında Türkiye’de Yahudileri: Bir Türkleştirme Serüveni (1923–1945) [The Jews of the Republican Turkey: A Venture of Turkification] (Istanbul: İletişim Yayınları).Google Scholar
  26. 28.
    Soner Çağaptay (2002) ‘Kemalist dönemde göç ve iskan politikaları: Türk kimliği üzerine bir çalışma’ [Policies of Migration and Settlement in the Kemalist Era: A Study on Turkish Identity], Toplum ve Bilim, 93, 218–41.Google Scholar
  27. 31.
    Ayhan Aktar (2000) Varlık Vergisi ve Türkleştirme Politikaları [Capital Tax and Turkification Policies] (Istanbul: Iletişim Yayınları).Google Scholar
  28. 34.
    Kemal Kirişçi and Gareth M. Winrow (1997) The Kurdish Question and Turkey: An Example of a Trans-Elite Ethnic Conflict (London: Frank Cass).Google Scholar
  29. 36.
    Neville Meaney (2001) ‘Britishness and Australian Identity: The Problem of Nationalism in Australian History and Historiography’, Australian Historical Studies, 32(116), 76–90.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  30. 37.
    Alastair Kennedy (2012) ‘Outwitting Billy Hughes and the White Australia Policy: Chinese-Australians and the First World War’, Sabretache, 53 (4), 15.Google Scholar
  31. 39.
    Heidi Zogbaum (2004) Kisch in Australia — The Untold Story (Melbourne: Scribe).Google Scholar
  32. 40.
    Antonia Finnane (1999) Far from Where? Jewish Journeys from Shanghai to Australia (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press).Google Scholar
  33. 41.
    See Mark Hearn (2007) ‘Cultivating an Australian Sentiment: John Christian Watson’s Narrative of White Nationalism’, National Identities, 9 (4), 351–68;CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  34. Mark Hearn (2013) ‘Bound with the Empire: Narratives of Race, Nation, and Empire in the Australian Labor Party’s Defence Policy, 1901–21’, War & Society, 32 (2), 95–115; andCrossRefGoogle Scholar
  35. Neville Meaney (1995) ‘The End of “White Australia” and Australia’s Changing Perceptions of Asia, 1945–1990’, Australian Journal of International Affairs, 49 (2), 171–89.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  36. 42.
    Gwenda Tavan (2005) The Long Slow Death of White Australia (Melbourne: Scribe).Google Scholar
  37. 43.
    İçduygu et al., What Is the Matter with Citizenship?’; and Fuat Keyman and Ahmet İçduygu (eds) (2005) Citizenship in a Global World: European Questions and Turkish Experiences (London: Routledge).Google Scholar
  38. 46.
    See Nimet Beriker-Atiyas (1997) ‘The Kurdish Conflict in Turkey: Issues, Parties and Prospects’, Security Dialogue, 28 (4), 439–52.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  39. 47.
    Hakan Yavuz (1996) ‘Turkey’s Imagined Enemies: Kurds and Islamists’, The World Today, 52 (4) (April), 99–101.Google Scholar
  40. 50.
    For a review of many of the key background and implementation issues in Australian multiculturalism, see Andrew Jakubowicz and Chris Ho (eds) (2013) ‘For Those Who’ve Come Across the Seas …’: Australian Multicultural Theory Policy and Practice (Melbourne: Australian Scholarly Publishing).Google Scholar
  41. 53.
    John Pasquerelli (1998) The Pauline Hanson Story by the Man Who Knows (Sydney: New Holland Publishers).Google Scholar
  42. 55.
    Andrew Jakubowicz (2012) ‘Racism, Anti-Racism and Australian Social Research: A Case-Study in Recovering Socially-Useful Knowledge’, http://andrewjakubowicz.com/publications/antiracisml998, accessed 28 November 2014.Google Scholar
  43. 56.
    Michâlis S. Michael (2009) ‘Australia’s Handling of Tensions between Islam and the West under the Howard Government’, Asian Journal of Political Science, 17 (1), 45–70.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  44. 57.
    Andrew Jakubowicz (2011) ‘Chinese Walls: Australian Multiculturalism and the Necessity for Human Rights’, Journal of Intercultural Studies, 32 (6), 691–706.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  45. 58.
    Maria Vamvakinou (Chair) (2013) Inquiry into Migration and Multiculturalism in Australia, Joint Standing Committee on Migration, Parliament of Australia (Canberra: March).Google Scholar
  46. 66.
    See Claudia Bell (2013) ‘Pacifists and Partygoers? Young Antipodeans Visiting Gallipoli War Sites’, in Irena Ateljevic, Nigel Morgan and Annette Pritchard (eds), The Critical Turn in Tourism Studies: Creating an Academy of Hope (London: Routledge), 179;Google Scholar
  47. Mervyn F. Bendle (2009) ‘Gallipoli: Second Front in the History Wars’, Quadrant, 53 (6), 6;Google Scholar
  48. Frank Bongiorno and Grant Mansfield (2008) Whose War Was It Anyway? Some Australian Historians and the Great War’, History Compass, 6 (1), 62–90;CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  49. Gerhard Fischer (2012) ‘The Governor-General’s Apology: Reflections on Anzac Day’, Cultural Studies Review, 18 (3), 220–39;CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  50. Peter Fitzsimons (2014) Gallipoli (Sydney: Random House);Google Scholar
  51. Marek Haltof (1993) ‘In Quest of Self-Identity: Gallipoli, Mateship, and the Construction of Australian National Identity’, Journal of Popular Film and Television, 21 (1), 27–36;CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  52. Peter H. Hoffenberg (2001) ‘Landscape, Memory and the Australian War Experience, 1915–18’, Journal of Contemporary History, 36 (1), 111–31;CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  53. Leonie Lockstone-Binney, John Hall and Lutfi Atay (2013) ‘Exploring the Conceptual Boundaries of Diaspora and Battlefield Tourism: Australians’ Travel to the Gallipoli Battlefield, Turkey, as a Case Study’, Tourism Analysis, 18 (3), 297–311;CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  54. Matt McDonald (2010) ‘“Lest We Forget”: The Politics of Memory and Australian Military Intervention’, International Political Sociology, 4 (3), 287–302;CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  55. Mark McKenna and Stuart Ward (2007) ‘“It Was Really Moving, Mate”: The Gallipoli Pilgrimage and Sentimental Nationalism in Australia’, Australian Historical Studies, 38 (129), 141–51;CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  56. Hank Nelson (1997) ‘Gallipoli, Kokoda and the Making of National Identity’, Journal of Australian Studies, 21 (53), 157–69;CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  57. Nick Osbaldiston and Theresa Petray (2011) ‘The Role of Horror and Dread in the Sacred Experience’, Tourist Studies, 11 (2), 175–90;CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  58. Lynette Russell (2012) ‘Remembering Places Never Visited: Connections and Context in Imagined and Imaginary Landscapes’, Journal of Historical Archaeology, 16 (2), 401–17.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Copyright information

© Andrew Jakubowicz and Ahmet İçduygu 2015

Authors and Affiliations

  • Andrew Jakubowicz
  • Ahmet İçduygu

There are no affiliations available

Personalised recommendations