Abstract
Early voting—or allowing voters to vote in person before Election Day—has been allowed formally at least since 1988.1 The idea behind early voting was that if voting times were more convenient, it would reduce the opportunity costs of voting. In other words, potential voters would not have to take off work (or give up other activities) in order to vote. If one examines newspapers covering the policy discussions, one can see that the goal of early voting was to increase voter turnout, not necessarily to relieve the pressure of long lines on Election Day, but it did not hurt that early voting might relieve long lines. For example, in North Carolina in January 1996 (about four years before North Carolina began to implement its one-stop voting— North Carolina’s name for early voting), one can see that no-excuse early voting was one of many proposals being considered to “cure voter apathy” and “boost turnout at the polls.”2 There was bipartisan excitement by the year 2000. Political reporter Jim Morrill quoted the Mecklenburg County Republican Party Chair Frank Whitney as saying: “Voter turnout always determines an election, not the polls … I have a feeling (early voting) will increase overall voter turnout.”3
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Notes
Fortier, John C. 2006. Absentee and Early Voting. Washington, DC: American Enterprise Institute.
Oliver, J. Eric. 1996. “Absentee Voting and Overall Turnout.” American Journal of Political Science 40(2): 498–513.
Hamilton, Randy H. 1988. “American All-Mail Balloting: A Decade’s Experience.” Public Administration Review 48(5): 860–866.
Kousser, Thad and Megan Mullin. 2007. “Does Voting by Mail Increase Participation? Using Matching to Analyze a Natural Experiment.” Political Analysis 15: 428–445.
Another recent study leverages the idea that the state of Washington staggered its introduction of VBM. See Gerber, Alan S., Gregory A. Huber, and Seth J. Hill. 2013. “Identifying the Effect of All-Mail Elections on Turnout: Staggered Reform in the Evergreen State.” Political Science Research and Methods 1(1): 91–116.
Kropf, Martha. 2013. “North Carolina Election Reform Te n Years After the Help America Vote Act.” Election Law Journal 12(2): 179–189. Note that half of the counties in North Carolina were covered jurisdictions under the Voting Rights Act. See Chapter 4.
Barreto, Matt, Mara Cohen-Marks, and Nathan D. Woods. 2009. “Are All Precincts Created Equal? The Prevalence of Low-Quality Precincts in Low-Income and Minority Communities.” Political Research Quarterly 62(3): 445–458.
For a discussion, see Kropf, Martha and David C. Kimball. 2012. Helping America Vote: The Limits of Election Reform, New York: Routledge, Chapter 4.
Brady, Henry E. and John E. McNulty. 2011. “Turning Out to Vote: The Costs of Finding and Getting to the Polling Place.” American Political Science Review 105(1): 115–134.
Stein, Robert M. and Greg Vonnahme. 2012. “Effect of Election Day Vote Centers on Voters Participation.” Election Law Journal 11(3): 291–301.
Stein, Robert M. and Greg Vonnahme. 2008. “Engaging the Unengaged Voter: Vote Centers and Voter Turnout.” Journal of Politics 70: 1–11.
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Kropf, M.E. (2016). Finding the Time and Place to Vote. In: Institutions and the Right to Vote in America. Elections, Voting, Technology. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-30171-0_7
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