Abstract
The year 1996 saw the U.S. public exposed to the most expensive political campaign in our history. Four billion dollars were spent on all the campaigns (national, state, and local). This high cost and the questionable ways in which the money was sometimes raised and spent, as the post-election analyses and investigations reveal, suggest a major crisis in party and candidate finance practices. How irregular, how illegal, and how scandalous the 1996 campaign finance operations were has yet to be finally determined. But we are clearly in the throes of a controversy over what happened, why and how it happened, and how the system should again be reformed. As one scholar put it, “1996 saw the final collapse of campaign finance regulation … and, as if on schedule, another scandal began to unfold, causing another embarrassed president to call for yet another round of reform.”1 The former president of Common Cause confirmed this assessment, calling the 1996 campaign “the dirtiest ever” and saying that “campaign finance laws have been replaced by the law of the jungle.”2 Corporations contributed millions directly to parties and candidates in 1996, although we thought they were forbidden by law to do so. The AFL-CIO spent millions on the campaigns from the union treasury, although we thought they were forbidden by law to do so. The presidential candidates, Clinton and Dole, were each given $61.8 million in public funds under the law, but spent more than double that amount despite the understanding they would keep within these funding limits. Foreign contributors gave millions to both parties, a practice prohibited by law. The “soft money” spent in presidential elections alone (funds raised outside the federal limits) was over $100 million.3 In 1997 the new Task Force on Campaign Finance Reform, including nine scholars expert on the question and chaired by Herbert Alexander, issued a report making many recommendations for change. They said we are now “experiencing a much more dynamic diffuse funding system” in which new political actors “spend money in campaigns that candidates neither raise nor control.” These “new realities,” they say, raise serious questions about accountability, competitiveness, sources of funds, and enforcement.4 These and other excesses document “the new reality in the world of campaign finance” that emerged in 1996.
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Notes
Brooks Jackson “Financing the 1996 Campaign: The Law of the Jungle,” in Larry J. Sabato, ed. Toward the Millennium: The Election of 1996 (Boston: Allyn and Bacon, 1997), 256.
Herbert E. Alexander, 1997, “Financing the 1996 Election,” in America at the Polls 1996, (Storrs, CT: Roper Center, 1997), 143.
Task Force on Campaign Finance Reform, “New Realities, New Thinking,” Citizens Research Foundation, University of Southern California, 1997.
This review of the early legislation is based in part on the useful summary found in Herbert E. Alexander, Financing Politics (Washington, DC: Congressional Quarterly, 1984), 61–69.
Originally quoted in Eugene H. Roseboom, A History of Presidential Elections (New York: Macmillan, 1957), 316. Cited by Alexander, “Financing,” 67–68. The three men were Belmont, Morgan, and Ryan.
See Alexander Heard, The Costs of Democracy (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1960), 347–50, for an analysis of the effects of the Hatch Acts.
Louise Overacker, Money in Elections (New York: Macmillan, 1932), 71n, 73.
Herbert E. Alexander, Financing the 1976 Election (Washington, DC: Congressional Quarterly Report, 1979), 166–67.
See, for example, the debate by Gary C. Jacobson, Donald O. Green, and Jonathan S. Krasno, in the American Journal of Political Science 34 (1990): 334–72. Jacobson argues that “a challenger’s level of spending can make as much as a 12 percentage point difference in votes” (357). Green and Kresno do not so much dispute this as assert that “access to financial resources continues to rank as one of the chief advantages of incumbency” (371).
National Election Studies. See Steven J. Rosenstone and John M. Hansen, Mobilization, Participation, and Democracy in America (New York: Macmillan, 1993), 61.
Early figures from Alexander, Financing Politics (Washington, DC: Congressional Quarterly, 1980), 81.
Sources are Robert A. Diamond, ed., Dollar Politics: The Issue of Campaign Spending (Washington, DC: Congressional Quarterly Press, 1973); Common Cause, 1974 Congressional Campaign Finances, 1976; Federal Election Commission Reports, 1995 and 1996.
Alexander Heard, The Costs of Democracy (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1960).
Congressional Quarterly Weekly Report. March 17, 1973, 577–87; April 1978, 26, 30; Federal Election Commission Record 7, No. 3 (1981), 11.
Quoted in Dan Nimmo, The Political Persuaders: The Techniques of Modem Campaigns Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1970), 153.
Janet M. Grenzke, “PACs and the Congressional Supermarket: The Currency is Complex,” in American Journal of Political Science 33 (February 1989): 1–24.
Robert J. Samuelson, “Making Pols into Crooks,” Newsweek, October 6, 1997, 53.
E. E. Schattschneider, The Semi-Sovereign People (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1960), 31–34, 105.
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Eldersveld, S.J., Walton, H. (2000). Money and Political Campaigns: The 1996 Debacle. In: Political Parties in American Society. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-11290-3_12
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