Abstract
By the end of the twentieth century Belo Horizonte had grown far beyond the wildest dreams of its creators. The industrial expansion at the end of the twentieth century culminates a century of industrialization that began with the construction of Belo Horizonte in the 1890s. By any measure, the industrialization of the city has been impressive. The second largest industrial center in the eighth largest economy in the world—a metropolis of some 20 municipios approaching four million inhabitants—now sits on a plateau where one hundred years ago a small hamlet of a few thousand scratched out a living on the land. The turn-of-the-century political and technocratic elites succeeded in creating the economic and political capital they envisioned for Minas Gerais.
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Notes
See, for example, Philip D. Oxhorn and Graciela Ducatenzeiler, eds., What Kind of Democracy? What Kind of Market?: Latin America in the Age of Neoliberalism (University Park, Penn.: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1998); and Menno Vellinga, ed., The Changing Role of the State in Latin America (Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 1998).
See, for example, Will Hutton and Anthony Giddens, eds., On the Edge: Living with Global Capitalism (London: Jonathan Cape, 2000).
Marta Vieira, “Belgo Entra no Mercado Canadense,” Estado de Minas, 13 June 2000, Economia, 15; Jornal do Brasil, 31 May 2000, 1; Wilson Peres, coord., Grandes empresas y grupos industriales latinoamericanos: expansión y desafíos en la era de la apertura y la globalización (México, D. F.: Siglo Veintiuno Editores, 1998), 261–6.
The best recent analysis of what many mineiro analysts have called the “revolution from above” is Otavio Soares Dulci’s excellent Política e recuperação econômica em Minas Gerais (Belo Horizonte: Editora UFMG, 1999).
For a recent volume that emphasizes the survival of clientelism in contemporary Brazilian politics, see Peter R. Kingstone and Timothy J. Power, eds., Democratic Brazil: Actors, Institutions, and Processes (Pittsburgh, Penn.: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2000), esp. 7.
The population of Mexico City today is more than 20 percent of Mexico’s total population. Buenos Aires is home to one of every three Argentines, Montevideo accounts for 40 percent of all Uruguayans. Greater Santiago is home to one in three Chileans. Even São Paulo, considered by some the third- or fourth-largest city in the world, accounts for just 10 percent of Brazil’s total population. A dozen Brazilian cities have more than one million inhabitants. Robert N. Gwynne, New Horizons Third World Industrialization in an International Framework (New York: Longman, 1990), 166.
A pioneering study of secondary cities is James R. Scobie, Secondary Cities of Argentina: The Social History of Corrientes, Salta, and Mendoza, 1850–1910 (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1988) completed and edited by Samuel L. Baily.
For Monterrey, see Alex M. Saragoza, The Monterrey Elite and the Mexican State, 1880–1940 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1988); Menno Vellinga, Economic Development and the Dynamics of Class: Industrialization, Power and Control in Monterrey, Mexico (Assen, The Netherlands: Van Gorcum, 1979); Mario Cerutti, Burguesía y capitalismo en Monterrey (1850–1910) (México: Claves Latinoamericanas, 1983). The literature on Medellín is sparse. See Jorge Restrepo Uribe, Medellín, su origen, progreso y desarrollo (Medellín: Servigráficas, 1981).
For a carefully argued definition and discussion of patronage and clientelism see Luis Roniger, Hierarchy and Trust in Modern Mexico and Brazil (West-port, Conn.: Praeger, 1990), 3–4.
For a recent reconsideration of populism, see Michael Conniff, ed., Populism in Latin America (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1999), especially chapter 10, by Kurt Weyland, “Populism in the Age of Neoliberalism.”
For a look at family networks and economic growth in a somewhat similar case, see Sudipt Dutta, Family Business in India (New Delhi: Response Books, 1997). For some other examples of the importance of family enterprise in Latin America, see Carlos Dávila and Rory Miller, eds., Business History in Latin America: The Experience of Seven Countries (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1999).
Vida Industrial (April 1993): 9; Wilson Peres, coord. Grandes empresas y grupos industriales latinoamericanos: expansión y desafíos en la era de la apertura y la globalización, (Mexico, D. F.: Siglo Veintiuno Editores, 1998), 230.
The classic account of the rise of the modern business enterprise is Alfred D. Chandler, Jr., The Visible Hand: The Managerial Revolution in American Business (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press, 1977). See also, Mansel G. Blackford, The Rise of Modern Business in Great Britain, the United States, and Japan (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1988).
Peter Evans, Embedded Autonomy: States and Industrial Transformation (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1995).
In a number of widely read recent publications Michael Porter has argued that the “old distinctions between laissez-faire and intervention are obsolete. Government, first and foremost, must strive to create an environment that supports rising productivity. This implies a minimalist government role in some areas (e.g., trade barriers, pricing) and an activist role in others (e.g., ensuring vigorous competition, providing high-quality education and training).” Michael E. Porter, The Competitive Advantage of Nations (New York: The Free Press, 1990), xiii.
Barbara Geddes, The Politicians Dilemma (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994).
Some important recent studies of policy choice and the role of what I have called public entrepreneurs, see Miguel Ángel Centeno, Democracy Within Reason: Technocratic Revolution in Mexico, 2nd ed. (University Park, Penn.: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 1997); Merilee S. Grindle and John W. Thomas, Public Choices and Policy Change: The Political Economy of Reform in Developing Countries (Baltimore, Maryland: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1991); Ben Ross Schneider, Politics Within the State: Elite Bureaucrats and Industrial Policy in Authoritarian Brazil (Pittsburgh, Penn.: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1991).
See, Thomas K. McCraw, ed., Creating Modern Capitalism: How Entrepreneurs, Companies, and Countries Triumphed in Three Industrial Revolutions (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1997); Tetsuji Okazaki and Masahiro Okuno-Fujiwara, eds., The Japanese Economic System and Its Historical Origins (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999).
Some good examples of these studies are Ernest Barteil, C. S. C. and Leigh A. Payne, eds., Business and Democracy in Latin America (Pittsburgh, Penn.: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1995); Leigh A. Payne, Brazilian Industrialists and Democratic Change (Baltimore, Maryland: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1994); Ben Ross Schneider, Politics Within the State; Gilda Portugal Gouvea, Burocracia e elites burocráticas no Brasil (São Paulo: Editora Paulicéia, 1994).
Schumpeter, Capitalism, Socialism, and Democracy (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1947), 110.
Evelyne Huber, “Assessments of State Strengths,” in Latin American in Comparative Perspective: New Approaches to Methods and Analysis, Peter H. Smith, ed. (Boulder, Colorado: Westview, 1995), 163–93.
Peter F. Drucker, Post-Capitalist Society (New York: HarperCollins, 1993).
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© 2001 Marshall C. Eakin
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Eakin, M.C. (2001). Conclusion: Webs of Power—A Century of Industrialization. In: Tropical Capitalism. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-08722-5_7
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