“¿Qué Demandamos de las Mugeres?”: Forming the Debate about Women in Late Medieval Spain (with a Baroque Response)

  • Julian Weiss
Part of the The New Middle Ages book series (TNMA)

Abstract

This study explores the debate over women in Spain during the later Middle Ages and Early Modern period by drawing on the insights of Pierre Bourdieu. It analyzes the ideological process whereby noblemen defined, accumulated, and fought over their cultural and symbolic capital as courtiers and men of letters. While marginalizing women, the debate also recognized them as essential to the production of masculine courtly identity and culture. An appendix offers a bibliography of primary texts from Castile and Aragon.

Keywords

Arena Defend Stake Univer Como 

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Notes

  1. 1.
    Both Mena’s text and Hernán Núñez’s commentary are quoted from the second, revised version of the humanist scholar’s edition: Las trezientas del famosissimo poeta Juan de Mena con glosa (Granada: Juan Varela, 1505), fols. 3r-v.Varro’s actual definition is: “Mundus ornatus muliebris dictus a munditia” [Mundus is a woman’s toilet set, named from munditia, ‘neatness’], De lingua latina, 5.129; text and translation quoted from Varro: On the Latin Language, ed. and trans. Roland G. Kent, Loeb Classical Library, 2 vols. (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1938). For the etymological problems of the term and the relations between its three main semantic fields (‘earth’, the ‘universe’ in general, and the adjective ‘clean’), see A. Ernout and A. Meillet, Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue latine: Histoire des mots, 4th ed. (Paris: Klincksieck, 1985), which reviews various hypotheses and concludes that there is no clear etymology [“pas d’étymologie claire”]. Equally speculative is the Oxford Latin Dictionary, ed. P. G. W. Clare (Oxford: Clarendon, 1982), where a parallel is drawn between mundus and the (much wider) semantic range of the Greek κόσμοζ, the etymon of the English ‘cosmetic’: order, behavior, form, government, ornament—especially of women, but also of men, horses, speech—honor, ruler, universe, earth.Google Scholar
  2. 3.
    R. Howard Bloch, Medieval Misogyny and the Invention of Western Romantic Love (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), pp. 39–47, quotation from 39–40. In note 11, he cites examples of the Greek pun on κόσμοζ as ‘ornament’ and ‘world.’CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  3. 4.
    As Michael Solomon has remarked, “collapsing all antifeminist writing into the transhistorical […] undermines attempts to analyze institutions and ideologies that foster misogynist discourse.” See The Literature of Misogyny in Medieval Spain: The “Arcipreste de Talavera” and the “Spill” (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), p. 3. For the common view of the debate as a courtly game, see Ronald E. Surtz, Writing Women in Late Medieval and Early Modern Spain: The Mothers of Saint Teresa de Avila (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1995), p. 17.Google Scholar
  4. 5.
    The most substantial recent contribution is Queer Iberia: Sexualities, Cultures, and Crossings from the Middle Ages to the Renaissance, ed. Josiah Blackmore and Gregory S. Hutcheson (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1999), especially the broad sociopolitical treatment by Linde M. Brocato, “‘Tened por espejo su fin’: Mapping Gender and Sex in Fifteenth- and Sixteenth-Century Spain,” pp. 325–65. Shorter, but also valuable, is Louise M. Haywood, ed., Cultural Contexts/Female Voices, Papers of the Medieval Hispanic Research Seminar 27 (London: Queen Mary & Westfield College, 2000). Essays from both collections are cited below.Google Scholar
  5. 6.
    In addition to Barbara F. Weissberger’s contribution to the present volume, see her “Male Sexual Anxieties in the Carajicomedia: A Response to Female Sovereignty,” in Poetry at Court in Trastamaran Spain: From the “Cancionero de Baena” to the “Cancionero General,” ed. E. Michael Gerli and Julian Weiss (Tempe, Ariz.: Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies, 1998), pp. 222–34. She has just completed a book on the subject, Repairing Spain’s Broken Body: Gender Ideology in the Age of Isabel the Catholic.Google Scholar
  6. 7.
    On Catherine’s physique, see Fernán Pérez de Guzmán, Generaciones y semblanzas, ed. R. B. Tate (London: Tamesis, 1965), p. 9. For the close bonds between the queen and such gifted and powerful women as Leonor López de Córdoba, Inés de Torres, and Constanza de Castilla, and the alarm that their political power could provoke, see Surtz, Writing Women in Late Medieval and Early Modern Spain, pp. 41–3. About one hundred years later, there is the figure of Germaine de Foix, widow and alleged poisoner of Ferdinand the Catholic (d. 1516), who as vice-reine of Valencia presided over an important literary court; see Nancy Marino, “The Cancionero de Valencia, Questión de Amor and the Last Medieval Courts of Love,” in Cultural Contexts, ed. Haywood, pp. 41–9.Google Scholar
  7. 9.
    See Barbara F. Weissberger, “‘¡A tierra, puto!’: Alfonso de Palencia’s Discourse of Effeminacy,” in Queer Iberia, pp. 291–324; William D. Phillips, Jr., Enrique IV and the Crisis of Fifteenth-Century Castile, 1425–1480 (Cambridge, Mass.: The Medieval Academy of America, 1978), pp. 81–95.Google Scholar
  8. 11.
    Raymond Williams, Marxism and Literature (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1975), pp. 108–14 (quotation on p. 112). See also Terry Eagleton, Ideology: An Introduction (London: Verso, 1991), pp. 112–21.Google Scholar
  9. 12.
    Alcuin Blamires, The Case for Women in Medieval Culture (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997), p. 9. Blamires’s approach is essentially thematically based, although important observations on formal aspects are scattered throughout the book, particularly in chapter 2. Suggestive generalizations about the four “presiding structural principles” of misogynist diatribes are also made in Woman Defamed and Woman Defended: An Anthology of Medieval Texts, ed. Alcuin Blamires, with Karen Pratt and C. W. Marx (Oxford: Clarendon, 1992), pp. 9–11.Google Scholar
  10. 14.
    This approach is best illustrated by María Cruz Muriel Tapia, Antifeminismo y subestimación de la mujer en la literatura medieval castellana (Cáceres: Guadiloba, 1991), pp. 304–45. This is, nonetheless, the best overview of the ideas brandished by both sides in the debate, as well as of previous misogynist literature. Her insistence on the ideological identity between pro- and antifeminine positions marks a fundamental advance on most earlier treatments, e.g., by Ornstein, “La misoginia y el profeminismo”; Barbara Matulka, The Novels of Juan de Flores and Their European Diffusion: A Study in Comparative Literature (Geneva: Slatkine, 1974 [1931]); Maria Jesus Lacarra, “Algunos datos para la historia de la misoginia en la edad media,” in Studia in honorem profesor Martín de Riquer, ed. Carlos Alvar et al. (Barcelona: Quaderns Crema, 1986–87), 1:339–61; for an anthology of debate texts, see Miguel Ángel Pérez Priego, ed., Poesía femenina en los cancioneros (Madrid: Castalia, 1989). Though narrower in scope than the book by Muriel Tapia, a similar emphasis on the ideological identity between pro- and antifeminine camps may be found in Antony van Beysterveldt, “Los debates feministas del siglo XV y las novelas de Juan de Flores,” Hispania (USA, 64 (1981): 1–13. Two case studies that include valuable discussion of the broader context of the debate are Mercedes Roffé, La cuestión del género en “Grisel y Mirabella” de Juan de Flores (Newark, Del.: Juan de la Cuesta, 1996), and Rosanna Cantavella, Els cards i el llir: una lectura de l’Espill de Jaume Roig (Barcelona: Quaderns Crema, 1992).Google Scholar
  11. 15.
    See Raymond Williams, Marxism and Literature, pp. 151–57, 173–79, 186–91; Tony Bennett, Formalism and Marxism (London: Routledge, 1979). I explore the ideological relation between thirteenth-century lyric conventions and the construction of masculinity in “On the Conventionality of the Cantigas de amor,” La Corónica 26.1 (fall 1997): 63–83.Google Scholar
  12. 16.
    Deborah Cameron, Feminism and Linguistic Theory (London: Macmillan, 1985), p. 14.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  13. 17.
    For the medical postulates of the antifeminine arguments, see Solomon, The Literature of Misogyny; for the connections with race, see Barbara F. Weissberger’s contribution to this volume, and more broadly, Louise Mirrer, Women, Jews, and Muslims in the Texts of Reconquest Castile (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1996). Although scholars often acknowledge the moral grounds of the debate (e.g., Muriel Tapia, Antifeminismo y subestimación, p. 334), the debates construction of the moral order has yet to be subjected to thorough ideological critique.Google Scholar
  14. 18.
    In French, the earliest documented attestation of “misogyne” is 1564, though it is then rare until the mid-eighteenth century; along with “misogynie,” the term was consolidated by the successive early-nineteenth-century dictionaries of C. P. V. Boiste; see Le Grand Robert de la langue française, 12th ed. (Paris: Le Robert, 1985). In English, both “misogyny” and “misogynist” emerge in the seventeenth century (according to the OED), as does “misògino” in Italian, with “misoginia” acquiring currency in the early nineteenth century; see Grande Dizionario della lingua italiana (Turin: Unione Tipografico, Editrice Torinense, 1978). In these cases, one notes the tendency for the agent to be recognized before the general practice itself. In Castilian, whether because of the notoriously slow-turning wheels of the Real Academia or the equally notorious patriarchal attitudes of its denizens, “misoginia” and related terms are not included in that institution’s dictionaries until 1925. This is not to say that the terms were not more current before that. See J. Corominas and J. A. Pascual, Diccionario critico etimológico castellana e hispánica, 6 vols. (Madrid: Gredos, 1991), s.v. “Miso-.”Google Scholar
  15. 19.
    “[W]hen there is a quasi-perfect correspondence between the objective order and the subjective principles of organization […] the natural and social world appears as self-evident. This experience we shall call doxa, so as to distinguish it from an orthodox or heterodox belief implying awareness and recognition of the possibility of different or antagonistic beliefs.” See Outline of a Theory of Practice, trans. Richard Nice (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1977), pp. 164–71 (at p. 164).Google Scholar
  16. 20.
    The account in this essay by necessity simplifies the complexity of Bourdieu’s thought. It is based on Outline of a Theory of Practice, trans. Nice, and on various essays anthologized in Language and Symbolic Power, ed. John B. Thompson, trans. Gina Raymond and Matthew Adamson (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1991). I have also learned from the critical engagement with Bourdieu’s work in Toril Moi, “Appropriating Bourdieu: Feminist Theory and Pierre Bourdieu’s Sociology of Culture,” in What Is a Woman? And Other Essays (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), pp. 264–99 [originally published in New Literary History 22 (1991): 1017–49]; John B. Thompson, Studies in the Theory of Ideology (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1984), pp. 42–72. My interest in Bourdieu was first sparked by Mark D. Johnston’s path-breaking essay “Cultural Studies on the Gaya Ciencia,” in Poetry at Court in Trastamaran Spain, ed. Gerli and Weiss, pp. 235–53.Google Scholar
  17. 21.
    E. Michael Gerli, “La Religión de Amor y el antifeminismo en las letras castellanas del siglo XV,” Hispanic Review 49 (1981): 65–96. The most recent overview, with ample bibliography, on Martinez de Toledo is by Sara Mañero, “El arcipreste de Talavera” de Alfonso Martínez de Toledo (Toledo: Institute Provincial de Investigaciones y Estudios Toledanos, 1997). For an acute queer reading, see Catherine Brown, “Queer Representation in the Arçipreste de Talavera, or, The Maldezir de mugeres Is a Drag,” in Queer Iberia, pp. 73–103.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  18. 22.
    Cancionero de Juan Alfonso de Baena, ed. José María Azáceta, Clásicos Hispánicos, 3 vols. (Madrid: CSIC, 1966), 1:5.Google Scholar
  19. 27.
    Quoted, with minor orthographic modernization, from the edition of Pedro Bach y Rita, The Works of Fere Torroella, a Catalan Writer of the Fifteenth Century (New York: Instituto de las Españas, 1930), pp. 192–215. This final stanza and its variants are listed on p. 214.Google Scholar
  20. 33.
    Alfredo d’Ambrosio, Storia di Napoli dalle origini ad oggi (Naples: Edizioni Nuova, 1995), p. 86. I am indebted to Marcella Salvi for this information.Google Scholar
  21. 34.
    Walter J. Ong, Orality and Literacy: The Technologizing of the Word (London: Methuen, 1982), pp. 31–77. This is the place to point out that we cannot speak of “the” text of Torrellas’s poem, because it survives in various formats, with additional stanzas, in a state of textual “mouvance.”CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  22. 36.
    On Valera and the contemporary debate over knighthood, see Jesús D. Rodríguez Velasco, El debate sobre la caballeria en el siglo XV: la tratadística caballeresca castellana en su marco europeo (Salamanca: Junta de Castilla y León, 1996), esp. pp. 350–59 for Valera’s aspirations to redefine the culture of the knight. For the contemporary practice of applying the methods of gloss and accessus to vernacular lay literature, see Weiss, The Poet’s Art, pp. 107–42.Google Scholar
  23. 37.
    See Weiss, The Poet’s Art, esp. pp. 11–24; Jeremy N. H. Lawrance, “The Spread of Lay Literacy in late Medieval Castile,” Bulletin of Hispanic Studies 62 (1985): 79–94.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  24. 38.
    See Manuel Castillo, ed., Libro de las claras e virtuosas mujeres, 2nd ed. (Valencia: Prometeo, 1917); for the frequency of refranes, see Brian Dutton’s El cancionero del siglo XV, where they are clearly identified and catalogued; for the misogynist tendencies of this popular wisdom, see Muriel Tapia, Antifeminismo, pp. 285–301. Santillana’s quotation refers to the popular ballads; I discuss its implications in The Poet’s Art, pp. 195–96.Google Scholar
  25. 41.
    Judith Fetterley, The Resisting Reader: A Feminist Approach to American Fiction (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1978).Google Scholar
  26. 42.
    Barbara F. Weissberger, “Resisting Readers and Writers in the Sentimental Romances and the Problem of Female Literacy,” in Studies on the Sentimental Romance, ed. E. Michael Gerli and Joseph Gwara (London: Tamesis, 1997), pp. 173–90. Praise of women’s role in cultural production is most pronounced in Rodriguez del Padrón’s Triunfo de las donas; see Muriel Tapia, Antifeminismo, p. 339, and Francisco López Estrada, “Las mujeres escritoras en la Edad Media castellana,” in La condición de la mujer en la Edad Media: actas del coloquio celebrado en la Casa de Velázquez, del 5 al 7 de noviembre de 1984, ed. Yves-René Fonquerne and Alfonso Esteban (Madrid: Casa de Velázquez, 1986), pp. 9–38 (at pp. 18–19). For an important, though little-known, defense of female literacy, see the epistles by the two anonymous noblewomen included in La obra literaria de Fernando de la Torre, ed. Maria Jesus Díez Garretas (Valladolid: Universidad, 1983), pp. 128–49.Google Scholar
  27. 45.
    Quoted from E. Michael Gerli, ed., Poesía cancioneril castellana (Madrid: Akal, 1994), p. 282.Google Scholar
  28. 46.
    See Diego de San Pedro, Obras completas, 2: Cárcel de amor, ed. Keith Whinnom (Madrid: Castalia, 1971), p. 175.Google Scholar
  29. 48.
    Peter Stallybrass and Allon White, The Politics and Poetics of Transgression (Ithaca,: Cornell University Press, 1986), p. 5 Stallybrass and White have also influenced the gender analyses by Weissberger, “Male Sexual Anxieties in the Carajicomedia,” and E. Michael Gerli, “Dismembering the Body Politic: Vile Bodies and Sexual Underworlds in Celestina,” in Queer Iberia, pp. 369–93.Google Scholar
  30. 49.
    Joan Kelly-Gadol, “Did Women Have a Renaissance?” in Becoming Visible: Women in European History, ed. Renate Bridenthal et al., 2nd ed. (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1987), pp. 175–201.Google Scholar
  31. 50.
    With regard to urban women, historians have remarked on the freer economic conditions of the earlier Iberian frontier society. See Heath Dillard, Daughters of the Reconquest: Women in Castillan Town Society, 1100–1300 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984). On the fifteenth century, see Isabel Beceiro Pita and Ricardo Córdoba de la Llave, Parentesco, poder y mentalidad: la nobleza castellana, siglos XII–XV (Madrid: CSIC, 1990). Especially significant is their discussion of the importance of noblewomen in transmitting the status of lineage, particularly for second-born sons, with the maternal coats of arms sometimes displayed alongside the paternal, albeit in secondary position (pp. 83–84). More details in Isabel Beceiro Pita, “La mujer noble en la baja edad media castellana,” in La condición de la mujer en la edad media: actas del coloquio celebrado en la Casa de Velázquez, del 5 al 7 de noviembre de 1984, pp. 297–301.Google Scholar
  32. 52.
    On Florencia Pinar, see Barbara Fulks, “The Poet Named Florencia Pinar,” La Corónica 18 (1989–90): 33–44; the context of Pinar’s work is traced in a valuable panorama by Pilar Lorenzo Gradín, “Voces de mujer y mujeres con voz en las tradiciones hispánicas medievales,” in Breve historia feminista de las literatura española (en lengua castellana), ed. Iris M. Zavala (Barcelona: Anthropos, 1997), 4:13–81. On Teresa de Cartagena, see Dayle Seidenspinner-Núñez, “‘El solo me leyó’: Gendered Hermeneutics and Subversive Poetics in Admiration operum Dey of Teresa de Cartagena,” Medievalia 15 (1993): 14–23; Surtz, Writing Women, pp. 21–40; see also Alison Weber, Teresa de Ávila and the Rhetoric of Femininity (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1990). For the anonymous female interlocutors of Fernando de la Torre, see note 42, and Jane Whetnall, “Isabel González of the Cancionero de Baena and Other Lost Voices,” La Corónica 21 (1992–93): 59–82. For Juana de Contreras and other women prose writers, see Maria-Milagros Rivera Garretas, “Las prosistas del humanismo y del Renacimiento,” in Breve historia feminista, 4:83–129.Google Scholar
  33. 53.
    For representative examples of this scholarship, see Electa Arenal and Stacy Schlau, Untold Sisters: Hispanic Nuns in Their Own Works (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1989); Stephanie Merrim, Early Modern Women’s Writing and Sor Juana Inés de la Cruz (Nashville, Tenn.: Vanderbilt University Press, 1999); Anita K. Stoll and Dawn L. Smith, Gender, Identity, and Representation in Spain’s Golden Age (Lewisburg, Pa.: Bucknell University Press; London: Associated University Presses, 2000); the last two works provide ample bibliographical coverage of recent developments in the field. For a broader European treatment, see Constance Jordan, Renaissance Feminism: Literary Texts and Political Models (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1990.Google Scholar
  34. 54.
    For an extensive selection of her verse, see Julian Olivares and Elizabeth S. Boyce, Tras el espejo la musa escribe: lírica femenina de los Siglos de Oro (Madrid: Siglo XXI, 1993), pp. 327–90, from which the poem in this essay is quoted.Google Scholar
  35. 55.
    For a review of recent thinking on this vast topic, see Bartolomé Yun Casalilla, “The Castilian Aristocracy in the Seventeenth Century: Crisis, Refeudalisation, or Political Offensive?” in I. A. A. Thompson and Bartolomé Yun Casalilla, The Castilian Crisis of the Seventeenth Century: New Perspectives on the Economic and Social History of Seventeenth-Century Spain (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), pp. 277–300. For the impact of the new urban nobility upon the short story, with particular emphasis upon gender relations, see Nieves Romero-Díaz, Nueva nobleza, nueva novela: re-escribiendo la cultura del Barroco, unpublished Ph.D dissertation, University of Oregon, 1999, currently being revised for publication.Google Scholar
  36. 56.
    See, for example, Amy Williamsen, “Challenging the Code: Irony as Comic Challenge in María de Zayas,” Romance Languages Annual 3 (1991): 642–47.Google Scholar
  37. 58.
    See Sor Juana Inés de la Cruz, The Answer/La Repuesta, Including a Selection of Poems, ed. and trans. Electa Arenal and Amanda Powell (New York: The Feminist Press at the City University of New York, 1994), p. 19.Google Scholar
  38. 59.
    Electa Arenal, “The Convent as Catalyst for Autonomy: Two Hispanic Nuns of the Seventeenth Century,” in Women in Hispanic Literature: Icons and Fallen Idols, ed. Beth Miller (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1983), pp. 147–83. In the two decades since this article, there has been much progress in our understanding of the conventual writing of early modern Spain and the New World, thanks both to new readings and to the publication of new texts. For a recent example, with ample bibliography on gender issues, see Fernando Itúrburu, (Auto)biografia y misticismo femeninos en la Colonia: la “Relación” escrita por Madre Josefa de la Providencia sobre Madre Antonia Lucia Maldonado (New Orleans, La.: University Press of the South, 2000); for a valuable survey, see Alison Weber, “Recent Studies on Women and Early Modern Religion in Spanish,” Renaissance Quarterly 52 (1999): 197–206.Google Scholar
  39. 60.
    See Gerda Lerner, The Creation of Feminist Consciousness: From the Middle Ages to 1810 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), p. 14.Google Scholar
  40. 62.
    Quoted from Poesías castellanas completas, ed. Elias Rivers (Madrid: Castalia, 1984), p. 59.Google Scholar
  41. 63.
    Though the healthful properties of sex were the subject of debate, authorities like Albertus Magnus feared that men were aged more than women by frequent sexual intercourse; see Joan Cadden, Meanings of Sex Difference in the Middle Ages: Medicine, Science, and Culture (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), p. 176. The anxiety was (if I may be forgiven the pun) disseminated in the Renaissance by Castiglione’s Book of the Courtier, trans. George Bull (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1976), p. 223.Google Scholar
  42. 64.
    Zayas argued that women’s lack of literary achievement was the result of social exclusion, and was not biologically determined; but challenging contemporary humoral theory, she adds that women may in fact be more suited to intellectual pursuits since they are “quizá más agudas por ser de natural más frío, por consistir en humedad el entendimiento, como se ve en las respuestas de repente y en los engaños de pensado, que todo lo que se hace con maña, aunque no sea virtud, es ingenio” [perhaps more acute since they are colder by nature, and since the understanding consists of the moist humor, as one can see in the sudden replies and calculated deceits; for everything that is done with cunning, although it may not be virtue, is wit]. Quoted from Tres novelas amorosas y ejemplares y tres desengaños amorosos, ed. Alicia Redondo Goicoechea (Madrid: Castalia, 1989), p. 48. Zayas thus unequivocally aligns herself with those who rejected the view, expressed in the major treatises on wit, that women lacked the physiological requisites for learning. For the variable range of opinions on the relation between gender and wit in the Spanish Golden Age, see Sharon D. Voros, “Fashioning Feminine Wit in María de Zayas, Ana Caro, and Leonor de la Cueva,” in Stoll and Smith, ed., Gender, Identity, and Representation, pp. 156–77. For the medical view that the coldness of women precluded mental acuity, see Ian Maclean, The Renaissance Notion of Woman: A Study in the Fortunes of Scholasticism and Medical Science in European Intellectual Life (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980), pp. 32, 35.Google Scholar
  43. 65.
    Quoted from Jonathan Barnes, Aristotle (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1982), p. 57.Google Scholar
  44. 68.
    These qualities were given their most eloquent expression throughout Castiglione’s Book of the Courtier. For a concise summary, see Peter Burke, The Fortunes of the Courtier: The European Reception of Castiglione’s “Cortegiano” (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1996), pp. 19–38. They are hardly a Renaissance invention: similar lists of abilities have been described for the medieval courtier by C. Stephen Jaeger, The Origins of Courtliness: Civilizing Trends and the Formation of Courtly Ideals 939–1210 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1985), pp. 127–75.Google Scholar
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    See Joan Wallach Scott, Only Paradoxes to Offer: French Feminists and the Rights of Man (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1996), especially pp. 1–18. I am grateful to the following for their bibliographical suggestions and advice on the content and structure of this essay: E. Michael Gerli, Amanda Powell, Marcella Salvi, Nieves Romero-Díaz, Alison Weber, and Julian Olivares. Though they have done much to improve it, none of them can be held responsible for the inadequacies that remain.Google Scholar

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© Thelma S. Fenster and Clare A. Lees 2002

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