Abstract
The previous chapter established the secessionist region’s level of development and income position relative to the state economy. This chapter contains data pertaining to trade dependency, interregional flows, and decentralization in the seceding regions. Interregional trade and financial flow data are extremely meager, even in countries with relatively sophisticated statistical systems, necessitating the extensive use of secondary evidence. The analysis of the empirical evidence presented here is conducted in chapters 5 through 7.
It took 12 years to federate the loose American confederation when the parties were all allies against a common outside enemy; it may therefore be unreasonable to expect an analogous process to occur at the outset among a group of nations that carry a legacy of resentment against a center that is still a member of the group, as well as against each other in some cases.
—Oleh Havrylyshyn and John Williamson, in reference to the Soviet Union
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Notes
The economy of Papua New Guinea is highly regulated with respect to prices. Goodman, Lepani, and Morawetz describe the price policy in wages, commodities, and manufactured goods, indicating a price structure that supports efforts at import substitution (Raymond Goodman, Charles Lepani, and David Morawetz, The Economy of Papua New Guinea, Canberra: The Australian National University, Development Studies Center, 1985, pp. 59, 89, 128).
Despite the central government’s large involvement in the economy of the region, the central policy of export promotion, coupled with the largely foreign ownership of the mines, resulted in the exclusion of copper from trade barriers. See Philip Darnel and Rod Sims, Foreign Investment in Papua New Guinea: Politics and Practices, Canberra: The Australian National University, Pacific Research Monograph no. 12, 1986.
The copper mines in Bougainville employed labor from other parts of Papua New Guinea, due to the lack of sufficient locals that were either willing or able to satisfy the demands of the foreign managers. This inflow of migrants had far reaching effects on the established economy, land rights, social network, et cetera. (Azeem Amarshi, Denneth Good, and Rex Mortimer, Development and Dependency: The Political Economy of Papua New Guinea, Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1979, p. 209).
Tibet’s principal outputs are wool and wool products, and its proportion of total Chinese production in these items is low (.16 percent), and therefore it is inferred that die proportion of Tibet’s output in foreign exports is also low (State Statistical Bureau, People’s Republic of China, Statistical Yearbook of China 1985, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985, pp. 350, 503).
The central Chinese government has freely used pricing policy on goods traded with Tibet in order to achieve its goals. For example, when the United States began its boycott of Tibetan wool, Beijing responded by purchasing Tibet’s entire wool production and paying three times the market price for it, with the goal of endearing the population (A. Tom Grunfeld, The Making of Modern Tibet, Armonk, N.Y.: M. E. Sharpe, 1987, p. 110).
Much to the chagrin of the Tibetans, the Chinese policy of assimilation entailed the in-migration of the Han population to teach, build, and partake, as cadres, in the reconstruction and administration of Tibet. No accurate numbers exist on their size. Lucien Pye has claimed that in 1976, the Han had come to outnumber the Tibetans two to one (Lucien Pye, “China: Ethnic Minorities and National Security,” Current Scene (Hong Kong) 14, no. 12, 1976, pp. 6–7).
For lack of other statistics on internal trade, the following information is offered: In the early 1970s, the Northern Province produced over 15 percent of the island’s chilies and 83 percent of the domestic requirements for onions, implying that their principal produce was exported to the southern regions of the state (Chelvadurai Manogaran, Ethnic Conflict and Reconciliation in Sri Lanka, Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1987, p. 138).
The central government sponsored migration of people (largely Sinhalese) into the sparsely populated areas of the Northern and Eastern Provinces (Robert Kearney, “Ethnic Conflict and the Tamil Separatist Movement in Sri Lanka,” Asian Survey 25, no. 9, September 1985, p. 904).
This is the only available figure. It refers to international exports in 1982, in tons per 100 population (Christine Drake, National Integration in Indonesia: Patterns and Policies, Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1989, p. 297, Appendix 2).
The local government is in charge of regulating the prices of numerous goods produced in East Timor, including coffee (M. Hadi Soesastro, East Timor: Questions of Economic Viability, in Unity and Diversity: Regional Economic Development in Indonesia Since 1970, Singapore: Oxford University Press, 1989, p. 225).
There is evidence of in-migration into East Timor of two different groups of individuals. First, as part of a transmigration project, the central government has engaged in the moving of retired or near-retired army personnel, largely for the purposes of national security (Timothy Babcock, “Transmigration: The Regional Impact of a Miracle Cure,” in Colin MacAndrews, ed., Central Government and Local Development in Indonesia, Singapore: Oxford University Press, 1986 p. 179). Second, in order to satisfy manpower demands, as well as to relieve population pressures in overpopulated regions, the government sponsored migration. This included the movement of active government personnel into the public sector of the region (20 percent of the population of East Timor employed in the public sector).
Foreign exports of wheat, the primary agricultural product of Punjab, have been insignificant during the 1970s: between 2 and 13 percent of the product, depending on the year, was destined for international or local use. A breakdown of those two categories is not available (see Milica Zarkovic Bookman, The Political Economy of Discontinuous Development, New York: Praeger, 1990, p. 151).
Punjab is a unique case among developing regions insofar as it was extremely successful in adapting foreign technology to the local environment. The green revolution package of technologies, introduced in the mid-1960s, was adapted to local conditions because of an infrastructure capable of this transformation (see M. Zarkovic, Issues in Indian Agricultural Development, Boulder: West-view Press, 1987).
With the exception of peak agricultural periods, during which migrant day laborers from adjoining states in-migrated, Punjab has satisfied its labor demand with its own population (see P. Bardhan, Land, Labor and Rural Poverty, New York: Columbia University Press, 1984).
According to per capita taxes paid to the center, Kashmir ranks among the highest of the Indian states, while according to contribution to state plans, the percentage of Indian contribution is high (relative to the region’s population). See I. S. Gulati, ed., Center-State Budgetary Transfers, Bombay: Oxford University Press, 1987.
For decades, the Karens have dominated trade across the important Thai-Burmese border. This black market thrives to compensate for the inability of local or state production to satisfy consumptive and industrial needs (Wolf estimated that 80 percent of the consumer goods entering the country did so through the Karen areas (Jim Wolf, “Asia’s Civilized Insurgents,” Bangkok Post, November 9, 1983, p. 5). With respect to exports, lumber is exported from the Karen regions, mostly to Thailand. It is estimated that in the Karen region, 65 saw mills are engaged in preparing teak for export (Ronald Renard, “The Karen Rebellion in Burma,” in Ralph R. Premdas, S.W.R. de A. Samarasinghe, and Alan B. Anderson, Secessionist Movements in Comparative Perspective, New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1990, p. 107).
The southern regions are net exporters of water and oil to the northern regions (see Charles G. Gurdon, “The Economy of Sudan and Recent Strains,” in Peter Woodward, ed., Sudan After Nimeiri, London: Routledge, 1991).
The price interventions that most affect the Eritrean economy are those pertaining to port duties and agriculture. In the case of the former, these were kept artificially low in order to reduce costs to the center, which had no access to the waterways other than the Eritrean ports. When the Eritreans came to power in May 1991, they eliminated this price bias and proceeded to extract income from the ports. With respect to agricultural prices, these were set by the Agricultural Marketing Corporation so as to provide food at cheap prices for the urban population, mostly of Addis Ababa. This policy hurt the Eritrean farmers. See Okbazghi Yohannes, Eritrea: A Pawn in World Politics, Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 1991, p. 266.
There has been an inflow of capital from the Arab countries to support the war and capital from Eritrean exiles, mostly residing in Sudan (Tekle Mariam Woldemikael, “Political Mobilization and National Movements: The Case of Eritrean Peoples Liberation Front,” Africa Today 38, no. 2, 1991, p. 36).
Trade between the north of Senegal and Casamance has been hampered due to the lack of a transportation network and the reality of geography. In other words, the shortest way from Casamance to Dakar is through Gambia, an unwilling transit partner. The building of a bridge and dam in Gambia in the 1980s has significantly increased the possibilities for interregional trade within Senegal. For a discussion of these trade constraints, see Sheldon Gellar, Senegal: An African Nation Between Islam and the West, Boulder: Westview Press, 1982, p. 74.
In the agricultural sector there exists a government marketing system that distorts prices, often to the disadvantage of the Casamance cultivators (see Rita Cruise O’Brien, “Introduction,” in The Political Economy Of Underdevelopment: Dependence in Senegal, Beverly Hills: Sage, 1979, p. 22).
Especially during the time of the Ba’th authority in Baghdad, the flow of financial resources into the Kurdish areas was, according to Helms, substantial. Funds were provided for hospitals, farms, housing projects, and so on. (Christina Moss Helms, Iraq: Eastern Flank of the Arab World, Washington: Brookings Institution, 1984, p. 33).
There is evidence of little economic benefit from the center. According to the Frazier Institute in British Columbia, the outflow from the province to the federal government is roughly equal to what it gets back in various social payments and government contracts. Indeed, the net flow from the center has been calculated at a mere $300 per year per head (Quebec manages its own social security and pension fund), certainly not sufficient to create dependency on the center (The New York Times, June 24, 1990). Some even argue that during 1986–90, Quebec was a donor province, giving more to the federal government than it got in return (The Wall Street Journal, April 13, 1990). Leslie and Simeon claim that the data are inconclusive in this respect (Peter Leslie and Richard Simeon, “The Battle of the Balance Sheets,” in Richard Simeon, ed., Must Canada Fail?, Montreal: McGill-Queens University Press, 1977).
“The small size of the domestic market dictated an export-oriented production which in turn tended to result in light industries with relatively low transport costs”: Sabine Wichert, Northern Ireland since 1945, London: Longman, 1991, p. 58.
There has been a sporadic inflow of capital from the rest of United Kingdom. However, the inflow that has made a great impact on the economy is the recent capital from foreign sources, mostly due to the success Ireland has achieved in attracting overseas moves and therefore entering the sphere of service export production. See R. R. MacKay, “Regional Policy,” in Donald MacKay, ed., Scotland 1980: The Economics of Self-Government, Edinburgh: Q Press, 1977, p. 191.
During 1961–71, 6.9 per 1000 of Roman Catholics and 2.8 of non-Catholics emigrated from Northern Ireland (John Simpson, “Economic Development: Cause of Effect in the Northern Ireland Conflict,” in John Darby, ed., Northern Ireland, The Background to the Conflict, Belfast: Appletree Press, 1983, p. 102, Table 4.13).
According to Birch, the citizens of Scotland contribute less than average to government revenues but enjoy public services that are more expensive than average. Indeed, central government expenditures per head in 1968–69 were 42 percent higher in Scotland than in England (Anthony H. Birch, Nationalism and National Integration, London: Unwin Hyman, 1989, p. 84).
According to Clark, one of the Basque Provinces, Navarra is taxed at special rates and is given more local autonomy than other regions to gather taxes (Robert P. Clark, The Basques: The Franco Years and Beyond, Reno: University of Nevada Press, 1979, p. 221).
Estimated on the basis of data in Istituto Nazionale di Statistica, Le Regioni in Cifre, Roma: Istat, 1992, Table 12.6.
The existence of foreign sources of capital in the region is shown by the fact that 39 joint ventures were registered in April 1990 (Deutsche Bank, The Soviet Union at the Crossroads, Frankfurt: Deutsche Bank, 1990, p. 47, Appendix 3).
See Bahry for an explanation of inflows into all the Soviet regions in this table (Donna Bahry, “The Evolution of Soviet Fiscal Federalism,” in Rachel Denber, ed., The Soviet Nationality Reader, Boulder: Westview Press, 1992, p. 314). She describes how the determination of how much of revenues is kept within the region depends upon the regional level of development. For example, the higher deductions (from payments to the center) went to the less developed republics, so that regions such as Tadzikhistan and the Tatar Autonomous Region kept almost 100 percent of some taxes, while regions such as Latvia had to give close to 50 percent of their receipts to the all-union budget.
Although from World War II until 1981, Slovenia was a net population absorber, the percentage of the population that were migrants remained relatively low (1960s: 0.8 percent of population; 1970s: 2.2 percent of the population) (Savezni Zavod za Statistiku, Saopstenje, no. 365, Beograd, 1984).
According to Prout, migrants form an insignificant proportion of the Slovenian labor force, mostly the unskilled or semiskilled laborers (Christopher Prout, Market Socialism in Yugoslavia, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985, p. 135).
However, Schrenk estimates that 20 percent of total employment in Slovenia is performed by workers of other ethnic groups not permanently settled in the region (Martin Schrenk, Cyrus Ardalan, and Nawal A. Tatawy, Yugoslavia: Self-Management Socialism and the Challenges of Development, Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1979, chapter 10).
There is evidence that some 50 percent of Slovenian foreign imports are in the category of raw materials (Statisticki Zavod za Statistiku, Statisticki Godisnjak Jugoslavije, Beograd, 1985 (Table 218–3), 1986 (Table 218–3), and 1987 (Table 219–3). At the same time, trade in raw materials never exceeded 3.3 percent of wholesale trade (Bookman, Political Economy, p. 180). This leads to the conclusion that there was much local input into industry.
This number refers to the percent of total trade that is accounted for by foreign trade, not the percent of regional production that is destined for foreign markets (Savezni Zavod za Statistiku, Statisticki Godisnjak, Belgrade 1990, Table 220–5). Thus, the entries for Croatia and Kosovo are not comparable with the entry for Slovenia.
The population of Krajina has been on the decrease, due to the out-migration of the Serbian population. This is true both in absolute numbers and a propor tion of the population of Croatia, and the proportion of the Serbian population in Croatia. (In 1971, the population of Krajina made up 6.5 percent of the Croatian population, and this percentage dropped to 5.8 in 1981 (Jovan Ilic, “Characteristics and Importance of Some Ethno-National and Political-Geographic Factors Relevant for the Possible Political-Legal Disintegration of Yugoslavia,” in Stanoje Ivanovic, ed., The Creation and Changes of The Internal Borders of Yugoslavia, 1991, p. 89).
There has been a simultaneous inflow and outflow of population to and from Kosovo. The inflow has been mostly of illegal Albanians: this has been reported in the popular press, but official estimates are not available to the author (according to Dragnich and Todorovich, between 200,000 and 240,000 Albanians entered the region in the aftermath of World War II). At the same time, Serbian residents have been leaving the region (Dragnich and Todorovich estimate this to be 100,000 during World War II, and between 150,000 and 200,000 during 1961–81). This migratory pattern (together with the high fertility rates among the Kosovars) has altered the demographic picture of Kosovo. See Alex N. Dragnich and Slavko Todorovich, The Saga of Kosovo, Boulder: East European Monographs, 1984, p. 158.
Slovakia is a net out-migrating region, as employment opportunities in the growing sectors of the Czech economy attracted manpower. Steiner estimated that tens of thousands of Slovaks were forced to emigrate to the Czech lands for employment, while Koctuch claims that the oversupply of labor in Slovakia is on the order of 200,000 people (Eugen Steiner, The Slovak Dilemma, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1973, p. 134
Hvezdon Koctuch, The Economic and Social Development of Slovakia, Bratislava, 1968, quoted in Steiner, p. 136).
Dean claims that raw materials were brought from Slovakia to the Czech lands for manufacturing, and then returned as finished products for sale (Robert Dean, Nationalism and Political Change in Eastern Europe: The Slovak Question and the Czechoslovak Reform Movement, Denver: Monograph Series in World Affairs, no. 1, University of Denver, 1973).
Verdery claims that, as a result of the economic priorities set by all the governments from the Hapsburgs to the Communists, industry has been preferred to agriculture. (Catherine Verdery, Transylvanian Villagers, Three Centuries of Political, Economic and Ethnic Change, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983, p. 356). The economy of the Transylvanian region has suffered in pricing biases that were aimed in providing foodstuffs and raw materials to the urban population and industrial needs at lower prices.
Schopflin describes the investments of the Romanian government into the area of Transylvania and claims that the sum invested there was “considerable.” Just 22 factories were built in Covasna and Harghita between 1966 and 1975 alone (George Schopflin, “Transylvania: Hungarians under Romanian Rule,” in Stephen Borsody, ed., The Hungarians: A Divided Nation, New Haven: Yale Center for International and Area Studies, 1988, p. 136).
The data on this out-migration is unclear. Secondary evidence points out that population movements in Romania are part of the minority or industrialization policy of the central government. This implies that no citizen is allowed to relocate without specific permission. However, in the effort to break up the Hungarian minority, the government has consistently assigned Hungarian graduates to jobs outside their native communities, while Romanians are brought into the area to fill positions that could be filled by Hungarians (Bulcsu Veress, “The Status of Minority Rights in Transylvania: International Legal Expectations and Romanian Realities,” in John F. Cadzow, Andrew Ludanyi, and Louis J. Elteto, eds., Transylvania, The Roots of Ethnic Conflict, Kent: Kent State University Press, 1983, p. 285).
Approximately one-half of the petroleum reserves of Nigeria are concentrated in what was the Eastern Region, and earnings from oil in 1970 were four-fifths of all export earnings (Harold Nelson, Nigeria: A Country Study, Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1982, p. 162).
Prior to the increased importance of oil in the national economy, regional revenues derived from federal payments were allocated on the basis of contribution from the region. The Eastern Region was at a disadvantage. Then, when oil was discovered, this system of allocation was reversed, greatly angering the government of the Eastern Region. See Kenneth Post and Michael Vickers, Structure and Conflict in Nigeria 1960–1966, London: Heinemann, 1974, p. 55.
Mining in Katanga represented 80 percent of Congolese mining production, and the region was the sole producer within Congo of copper, cobalt, silver, and platinum. (Howard Epstein, Revolt in the Congo, 1960–64, New York: Facts on File, 1965, p. 178). This 80 percent contributed strongly to ranking the Congolese production of copper at 8 percent of global production. The region also contains most of the world deposits of cobalt and industrial diamonds.
At the time of independence, the Katanga’s mines were in the hands of a single foreign company, the Union Miniere du Haut-Katanga, which invested immense amounts of capital and technology into an obviously lucrative region. It covered an area of some 20,000 square kilometers, and was one of the world’s largest producers of cobalt and uranium and the world’s third largest producer of copper. See Rene Lemarchand, Political Awakening in the Belgian Congo, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1964, p. 234.
The only estimate of interregional flows that was available to the author claims that while Katanga contributes 50 percent of the center’s earnings, its share of central budgetary expenditure is some 20 percent (Jules Gerard-Libois, Katanga Secession, Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1966, p. 5).
Raw jute, which is grown almost exclusively in East Pakistan, is the country’s most important foreign exchange earner, accounting for 60 percent of total export earnings in 1957–58 (M. R. Sharif, Modern Economic Development of Pakistan, Dacca: Mullick Brothers, 1966, p. 320). From 1948–49 to 1966–67, East Pakistan had a surplus in its foreign trade balance, largely due to this jute export.
However, it is claimed that this jute was exported into international markets by the West Pakistanis, who acted as exporters and traders, thus buying the jute in local currency while earning foreign currency for its resale ( Harun-or-Rashid, “Bangladesh: The First Successful Secessionist Movement in the Third World,” in Ralph R. Premdas, S.W.R. de A. Samarasinghe, and Alan B. Anderson, Secessionist Movements in Comparative Perspective, New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1990, p. 88).
Some of East Pakistan’s manufactured goods were traded in West Pakistan (such as matches and paper), but mostly the region exported its goods, such as jute and jute manufactures, into the international markets (see preceding note). The principal international market that it sold to, India, was a closer trading partner than West Pakistan (Azizur Rahman Khan and Mahabub Hossain, The Strategy of Development in Bangladesh, New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1990, p. 103).
Initially, Singapore had the benefit of tax-free importation of raw materials. However, since the rest of the federation was also industrializing, it protected itself from goods manufactured in Singapore by introducing a tariff (C. M. Turnbull, A History of Singapore 1819–1988, Singapore: Oxford University Press, 1989, p. 279).
During the period of federation, there was no free trade between Malaysia and Singapore, and restrictions increased following Singapore’s independence as a result of Malaysia’s desire to protect its industries and its ports (R. S. Milne and Diane K. Mauzy, Singapore, The Legacy of Lee Kuan Yew, Boulder: Westview Press, 1990, p. 131).
At the time of federation, financial guarantees were given to Singapore whose leaders feared the region would bleed in center-state relations. Indeed, the agreement called for special center-state financial relations, which Singapore insisted had to be renegotiated on a yearly basis, in case its contribution became too large (B. H. Shafruddin, The Federal Factor in the Government and Politics of Peninsular Malaysia, Singapore: Oxford University Press, 1987, p. 23).
The following statistics were printed in The Wall Street Journal, April 17, 1990, as well as Newsweek, March 26, 1990. Also see Frederic T. Harned, “Lithuania and the Lithuanians,” in Zev Katz, Rosemarie Rogers, and Frederic Harned, eds., Handbook of Major Soviet Nationalities, New York: Free Press, 1975.
V. Cao Pinna, Analisi delle Interdipendenze Settoriali di un Sistema Eco-nomico, Torino: Boringhieri, 1958
M. Di Palma, L’Analasi Delle Inter-dip endenze Strutturali Strumento Per Una Politic a di Industrializzazione, Roma: Comitato dei Ministri peril Mezzogiorna, Quaderni di Studi e Ricerche, no. 2, 1968.
Bruno Ferrara, Nord-Sud, Interdipendenza di Due Economie, Milano: Franco Angeli Editore, 1976.
Alice Teichova, The Czechoslovak Economy 1918–1980, London: Routledge, 1988, p. 25.
Eugen Steiner, The Slovak Dilemma, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1973, p. 134.
Hvezdon Koctuch, The Economic and Social Development of Slovakia, Bratislava, 1968 (quoted in Steiner, p. 136).
I. Bicanic, “Fractured Economy,” in Dennis Rusinow, ed., Yugoslavia: A Fractured Federalism, Washington: The Wilson Center Press, 1988; C. Ocic, “Integracioni i Dezintegracioni Procesi u Privredi Jugoslavije,” Marksisticka Misao 4, 1983.
The study by Ding uses data compiled from the Yugoslav press to show that trade with other republics accounts for roughly one-third of Slovenia’s trade (Wei Ding, “Yugoslavia: Costs and Benefits of Union and Interdependence of Regional Economies,” Comparative Economic Studies 33, no. 4, 1991, p. 22).
Schrenk, et al., Yugoslavia: Self-Management Socialism and the Challenges of Development, Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1979, p. 29.
Savezni Zavod za Statistiku, Statisticki Godisnjak Jugoslavije, Beograd 1987, Table 207–2.
E.A.A.M. Lamers, Joint Ventures Between Yugoslav and Foreign Enterprises, Tilburg: Tilburg University Press, 1976, p. 129.
Most of this research was published in the following: M. Zarkovic, Issues in Indian Agricultural Development, Boulder: Westview Press, 1987.
This number varies with the years. These numbers are taken from the Government of Punjab, Punjab Statistical Abstract, Chandigarh: Department of Statistics, 1984, Tables 23.1, 7.8, and 6.3.
A comparison of local, procurement, and international prices of wheat is contained in Milica Zarkovic, “Linkages With the Global Economy: The Case of Indian and Yugoslav Agricultural Regions” Peasant Studies 16, no. 3, 1989, Table 5, p. 151.
Government of India, India, a Reference Annual, New Delhi: Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, 1983, pp. 476–77.
Peter Aranson, quoted in Allen Buchanon, Secession, Boulder: Westview Press, 1991, p. 104.
Peter Leslie and Richard Simeon, “The Battle of the Balance Sheets,” in Richard Simeon, ed., Must Canada Fail? Montreal: McGill-Queens Press, 1977, pp. 243–58.
I. S. Gulati, “Possible Routes of Change” in Center-State Budgetary Transfers, Bombay: Oxford University Press, 1987, p. 145.
Reserve Bank of India, Reserve Bank of India Bulletin, Bombay, October 1987, Current Statistics, Appendix I, pp. 866–889.
I. S. Gulati and K.K. George, “Inter-State Redistribution through the Budget,” in I. S. Gulati, ed., Centre-State Budgetary Transfers, Bombay: Oxford University Press, 1987, p. 271.
K. N. Prasad, Problems of Indian Economic Development, New Delhi: Sterling Publishers, 1983, p. 323.
K. K. George, “The Fiscal Transfer Mechanism in India: An Appraisal,” in L. S. Bhat, et al., Regional Inequalities in India, New Delhi: Aruna Press, 1982.
Savezni Zavod Za Statistiku, Statisticki Godisnjak Yugoslavije, Belgrade, 1988, Table 207–7.
Fred Singleton and Bernard Carter, The Economy of Yugoslavia, London: Croom Helm, 1982, p. 220.
Branko Petranovic and Momcilo Zacevic, Jugoslovenski Federalizam: Ideje i Stvarnost, Beograd: Prosveta 1987, p. 326.
Robert P. Clark, “Spanish Democracy and Regional Autonomy: The Autono mous Community System and Self-Govemment for the Ethnic Homelands,” in Joseph R. Rudolph, Jr., and Robert J. Thompson, eds., Ethnoterritorial Politics, Policy and the Western World, Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 1989, p. 18.
These amendments required that all federal legislation be approved by the Chamber of Nationalities and that the number of representatives in it was to double. See Steven Burg, Conflict and Cohesion in Socialist Yugoslavia, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1983, chapter 1.
Harold Lydall, Yugoslavia in Crisis, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989, p. 81.
These reforms, introduced in January 1990, would not have been possible without the cooperation of all republics. Consisting of measures to decrease inflation and increase production, they are the most successful joint endeavor of the republics in the recent time (Savezno Izvrsno Vece, Sekretarijat za Informisanje, Ekonomska Reforma i Njeni Zakoni, Beograd, 1990).
Center-state relations underwent a transformation since independence. See T. V. Sathyamurthy, “Impact of Centre-State Relations on Indian Politics,” Economic and Political Weekly 24, no. 38, September 1989, p. 2133.
See Anirudh Prasad, Centre and State Powers Under Indian Federalism, New Delhi: Deep and Deep Publications, 1981
and Tarun Chandra Bose, ed., Indian Federalism: Problems and Issues, New Delhi: K. P. Bagghi and Company, 1987.
See S. P. Singh, Centre State Relations in Agricultural Development, New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House, 1973, chapter 1.
For a discussion of the financial responsibilities of the center and the states, see Amarjit Narang, “Decentralization to Remove Regional Disparities,” in L. S. Bhdt el al., Regional Inequalities in Indiat, New Delhi: Aruna Press, 1982, p. 61.
See D. M. Fenbury, Practice Without Policy: Genesis of Local Government in Papua New Guinea, Canberra, The Australian National University, Development Studies Center Monogram no. 13, 1980
and Harry Gailey, Bougainville 1943–1945: The Forgotten Campaign, Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1991.
Alex Dragnich and Slavko Todorovich, The Saga of Kosovo, East European Monographs no. 170, Boulder, 1984, p. 161.
Raphael Zariski, Italy: The Politics of Uneven Development, Hinsdale, Ill.: Dryden Press, 1972, p. 136.
Joseph La Palombara, Italy: The Politics of Planning, Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1966, pp. 117–119.
For a discussion of Chinese policy towards minorities in its various regions and the power that they have, see Thomas Heberer, China and Its National Minorities: Autonomy or Assimilation? Armonk, N.Y.: M. E. Sharpe, 1990.
Conrad Brandt, Benjamin Schwartz, and John K. Fairbank, eds., A Documentary History of Chinese Communism, New York: Athenaeum, 1960, pp. 223–24.
A. Tom Grunfeld, The Making of Modern Tibet, Armonk, N.Y.: M. E. Sharpe, 1987, pp. 147–60.
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Bookman, M.Z. (1992). The Economics of Secession: Empirical Evidence (Part II). In: The Economics of Secession. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-07984-8_4
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