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Security Assistance and Warfare

  • Robert E. Harkavy
  • Stephanie G. Neuman

Abstract

Since the end of World War II, security assistance patterns have reflected the shape and character of power relations among nations and states.As these have changed, so too has security assistance, particularly to combatants. Between 1969 and 1989, during the Cold War, the U.S. and Soviet Union together accounted for approximately two-thirds of global arms transfers, a robust indicator of their political and military dominance in the international system.1 In comparison, their closest competitors, France and Great Britain, averaged between 4 and 6 percent of the total arms market. But by the 1990s—with the collapse of the Soviet Union and communist regimes in Eastern Europe, the changing regional balances, the rampant instability in Africa and parts of the former communist world—the structure of the arms market and the international system reflected a radical transformation of power relations taking place among states. The U.S. alone was now dominant in a contracted arms market, its closest competitors sharing a relatively smaller share of the arms trade.

Keywords

African National Congress Khmer Rouge Military Assistance Security Assistance Revolutionary United Front 
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Notes

  1. 1.
    U.S. Department of State, World Military Expenditures and Arms Transfers (Washington, DC: Department of State Publications, 1969–1978, 1990). (Hereafter referred to as WMEAT.)Google Scholar
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    We are indebted to Bertil Dunér’s work on intervention for this conceptual breakdown. He distinguishes between high-level and low-level intervention based on the “closeness or immediacy of acts of intervention to a battle situation.” Arms transfers, for example, because of their remoteness from the physical battlefield, are a low-level or indirect intervention, whereas the provision of troops for combat is a high-level or direct intervention. His typology and criteria for inclusion, however, are more restrictive than ours. Dunér’s analysis, for example, is limited to twelve civil wars that fall completely within the 1970–1980 time period. He does not include what he calls indirect supporting activities, i.e., different types of humanitarian aid, or a government allowing its territory to be used for the storage of supplies, for troops passage, or the transit of aid from other donors. (Bertil Dunér, Military Intervention in Civil Wars: The 1970s, The Swedish Institute of International Affairs [Aldershot, UK: Gower, 1985], pp. 14–15.)Google Scholar
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Examples of peace-enforcement cited by Boutros Boutros-Ghali include the 1950 Security Council authorization to undertake enforcement action in the Korean peninsula, the 1990 authorization to enforce peace in Kuwait, the authorization of member states to create conditions for humanitarian relief operations in Somalia and Rwanda, and the authorization of the use of force to restore democracy to Haiti. (Boutros Boutros-Ghali, “Supplement to an Agenda for Peace,” 3 January 1995, reference to UN Document A/50/60—S/1995/1 in An Agenda for Peace (New York: United Nations, 1995), p.28, paragraph 78. The U.S. Department of Defense defines “peace enforcement” as a coercive measure “to compel compliance with resolutions or sanctions designed to maintain or restore peace and order” that do not require the consent of the belligerents. (Department of Defense, DOD Dictionary of Terms definition accessed at <http://www.dtic.mi1/doctrine/jel/doddict/data/p/04676.htrnl> [12 November 1999].) There is less definitional consensus regarding “peacekeeping” and “peacemaking.” Peacekeeping activities, often referred to as “Chapter VI V2” because they are not explicitly stipulated in the Charter, involve military deployment and operations that are intended to implement or monitor a settlement agreed to by the major belligerents under the provisions of Chapter VI of the Charter “and/or to protect the delivery of humanitarian relief” However the issue of the belligerents’ consent remains ambiguous, since peacekeepers may have to act unilaterally to protect humanitarian relief supplies. (UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations [DPKO], <http://www.un.org/Depts/dpko/glossary/p.htm> [15 November 1999].) The U.S. Department of Defense asserts that the consent of all parties is a precondition for peacekeeping activities: “Military operations undertaken with the consent of all major parties to a dispute, designed to monitor and facilitate implementation of an agreement (cease-fire, truce, or other such agreement) and support diplomatic efforts to reach a long-term political settlement.” Department of Defense definition accessed at <http://www.dtic.mi1/doctrine/jel/doddict/data/p/04677.html> (12 November 1999). In practice, consent has proven elusive in many cases and UN peacekeeping troops, in Somalia and the former Yugoslavia for example, have been involved in military operations to impose peace on dissenting forces. In fact, as Shashi Tharoor observes, in the post—Cold War world “peacekeeping” has become a catch-all term for a variety of behaviors. (See Shashi Tharoor, “Should UN Peacekeeping Go ‘Back to Basics’?” Survival, vol. 37, no. 4 (winter 1995–96), p. 54.) On this question, see also I.William Zartman, “Preventing and Reducing Conflict: Goals All Nations Share,” USIA, December 1996, <http://www.arc.arg.tw/USIA/www.usia.gov/topical/pol/conres/zartman.html2> (November 1999). “Peacemaking,” too, theoretically involves the consent of the disputants and refers to the process of mediating an end to conflict using peaceful rather than military measures “to bring hostile parties to agreement, through such peaceful means as oudined in Chapter VI of the Charter of the United Nations.” (Boutros Boutros-Ghali, An Agenda for Peace [reference to UN Document A/47/277-S/24111, 17 June 1992] [New York: United Nations, 1995], p. 45, paragraph 20.) I. William Zartman cites the Lusaka agreement of 1994 (to end the Angolan civil war) as an example. (Zartman, “Preventing and Reducing Conflict.”) However, even here there is some vagueness about what consent really means. The UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations (DPKO) glossary of terms suggests that peacemaking entails: “a diplomatic process of brokering an end to conflict, principally through mediation and negotiation, as foreseen under Chapter VI of the UN Charter; military activities contributing to peacemaking include military-to-military contacts, security assistance, shows of force and preventive deployments”(italics mine). (UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations [DPKO], <http://www.un.org/Depts/dpko/glos-sary/p.htm> [15 November 1999].) A new term, designed to deal with some of these ambiguities appears in the DPKO glossary of terms: “peace-restoration and conflict mitigation operation.” It is defined as a “new and tentative concept applying to the multidimensional operations which, while originally mandated under Chapter VI, are forced by realities in the field to turn into Chapter VII operations, as when humanitarian convoys need to be defended by force of arms, or exclusion zones enforced by air strikes.” (UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations [DPKO], <http://www.un.org/Depts/dpko/glossary/p.htm> [15 November 1999].)CrossRefGoogle Scholar
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© Robert E. Harkavy and Stephanie G. Neuman 2001

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  • Robert E. Harkavy
  • Stephanie G. Neuman

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