Abstract
The strength of the Senegalese state, its connection with social networks and institutions, has been assured above all by Sufi Muslim intermediation. If Senegal does not, like some of its neighbours, exist in the shadow of state collapse, if the state makes some acceptable sense to a large enough number of its citizens, then the reason lies above all in the existence of a recognized symbolic language of the political. This language of power is devotional, holy talk, and it is also about power, here and now. Those who speak the language with most authority, those to whom people turn for guidance, are those who count in the political process. City sophisticates may look on the holy talkers with a Voltairean curl of the lip, but the marabouts1 are more trusted than are the sophisticates, by a very comfortable margin. The dimension of trust is of course critical to patronage politics (the commonplace of Africanist political study) and the people’s trust of maraboutic leadership in Senegal is the bedrock of the state. Beyond that basic trust, however, as Leonardo Villalon elegantly demonstrates, the Sufi idiom allows a variety of aspirants and contenders to play out their hopes on a Hirschman repertoire; holy exit, holy voice, holy loyalty, from or to the state.2 That repertoire is widely enough understood, by those in political power in the capital, as well as by the relatively powerless across most of the country,3 to allow a viable process of symbolic negotiation, helping to hold the state together.
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Notes
L. Villalon, Islamic Society and State Power in Senegal, Cambridge University Press, 1995; A. Hirschman, Exit, Voice and Loyalty: Responses to Decline in Firms, Organizations, and States. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1970.
For Momar Coumba Diop this is the Islamo-Wolof model, although applicable beyond Wolof territory. See M.C. Diop (ed.), Sénégal. Trajectoires d’un Etat, Paris/Dakar: Karthala/ CODESRIA, 1992
D. Cruise O’Brien, Momar Coumba Diop, Mamadou Diouf, Construction et Contestation de l’Etat au Senegal, Paris: Karthala, 2001.
See statistical table in D. Cruise O’Brien, The Mourides of Senegal: The Political and Economic Organization of an Islamic Brotherhood, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1971, p. 243.
D. Robinson, The Holy War of Umar Tal The Western Sudan in the mid-Nineteenth Century, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1985
Jean-Louis Triaud and D. Robinson (eds), La Tijaniyya. Une Confrérie Musulmane à la ConquHte de l’Afrique, Paris: Karthala, 2000.
D. Cruise O’Brien and C. Coulon (eds), Charisma and Brotherhood in African Islam, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1988.
Janet Vaillant, Black, French and Afrian: A Life of Leopold Sédar Senghor, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1990.
C. Coulon, Le Marabout et le Prince. Islam et pouvoir au Senegal, Paris: Pédone, 1981.
See M. Gilsenan, Saint and Sufi in Modern Egypt, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1973
V. Crapan-zano, The Hamadsha: a Study in Moroccan Ethno-Psychiatry, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1973
D. Cruise O’Brien, “Introduction”to D. Cruise O’Brien and C. Coulon (eds), Charisma and Brotherhood in African Islam, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1988, pp. 1–31.
S.A. Arjomand, The Turban for the Crown: The Islamic Revolution in Iran, Oxford University Press, 1988, and S. Zubaida, Islam, the people and the state: Essays in Political Ideas and Movements in the Middle East, London and New York: Routledge, 1989.
Bruno Etienne, Algérie. Cultures et Révolution, Paris: Seuil, 1977.
See Cheikh Touré, Afin que tu deviennes un croyant, Dakar: Imprimerie Diop, 1953.
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© 2003 Donal B. Cruise O’Brien
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O’Brien, D.B.C. (2003). Sufi Symbolism and the State in Senegal, 1975–81. In: Symbolic Confrontations. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-05532-3_3
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