Advertisement

ECOMOG: A New Security Agenda in World Politics

  • David Francis

Abstract

This chapter seeks to examine critically the role and contribution of a regional economic integration grouping to the understanding of the security problems of Third-World regions in the post-Cold War era and its implications for contemporary world politics. In general, it is located within the current International Relations debate concerning the role that regional organisations can play in maintaining international peace and security. The multipolar nature of the post-Cold War period and its constraints on unilateral intervention of major powers in domestic conflicts, the diversity and multiplicity of the new agendas of the so-called new world order, and the growth of globalisation have all contributed to reawaken policy and academic interest in security regionalism. At the international level, a variety of proposals have been put forward as solutions to address conflict situations in Africa, such as the American-sponsored African Crisis Response Initiative, and mercenary intervention as alternative models for international security. At the continental level a variety of home-grown strategies have been established to help resolve conflict situations in Africa. One such initiative is that of the ECOWAS Cease-fire Monitoring Group (ECOMOG).

Keywords

Security Council Security Agendum International Peace Military Junta Mercenary Intervention 
These keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves.

Preview

Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.

Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.

Notes and References

  1. 1.
    L. F. Damrosch (ed.) (1993) Enforcing Restraint: Collective Intervention in Internal Conflicts (New York: Council of Foreign Relations), p. 159.Google Scholar
  2. 2.
    G. Evans (1994) Co-operating For Peace (Canberra: Allen & Unwin).Google Scholar
  3. 3.
    H. Howe (1996/7) ‘Lessons of Liberia: ECOMOG and Regional Peacekeeping’, International Security, vol. 21, no. 3, Winter, pp. 145–6.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  4. 4.
    S. Huntington (1993) ‘Clash of Civilizations’, Foreign Affairs, vol. 72, no. 3, pp. 22–49; and R. Kaplan (1994) ‘The Coming Anarchy’, Atlantic Monthly, vol. 273, no. 2.Google Scholar
  5. 5.
    See Chapter 8 of this volume for a further discussion on the international neglect of the Liberian civil war.Google Scholar
  6. 6.
    Nwachukwu et al. (1991) Nigeria and the ECOWAS Since 1985: Towards a Dynamic Regional Integration (Nigeria: Fourth Dimension Publishing Co.), p. 104.Google Scholar
  7. 7.
    These omissions are now incorporated into the 1993 Revised ECOWAS Treaty which provides specifically for co-operation in political and regional security matters. It recognised the need to ‘establish a regional peace and security observation system and peacekeeping forces’ and ‘assistance in the observation of democratic elections’. It addressed the issues of both inter-state and intra-state conflicts. See Chapter x, Articles 56 and 58 of the Revised Treaty of ECOWAS, ECOWAS Secretariat, Abuja, 1993.Google Scholar
  8. 8.
    A. Bundu (1998) ‘Some Lessons of West Africa’s First Experiments in Regional Security’, Keynote address at BISA-Forum on Africa and International Relations Conference, London School of Economics, 20 June, p. 6.Google Scholar
  9. 9.
    ECOWAS Standing Mediation Committee, Decision A/DEC, 1 August 1990 on the ceasefire and the establishment of an ECOWAS Cease-fire Monitoring Group for Liberia, Banjul, The Gambia, 7 August 1990, ECOWAS Secretariat, Lagos.Google Scholar
  10. 10.
    ECOMOG’s initial composition was made up of Nigeria, Sierra Leone, Guinea, Ghana and The Gambia. Senegal later contributed forced after $10 million US assitance, but was forced to withdraw its contingent after seven of its soldiers were killed, a political embarrassment that the Diof government could not afford in the run-up to the 1994 elections.Google Scholar
  11. 11.
    T. Kabbah, ‘President’s speech’ available at http://www.sierra-leone.org/slnews.html.
  12. 12.
    J. Okolo and T. Shaw (eds) (1994) The Political Economy of the Foreign Policy in ECOWAS (New York: St. Martin’s Press), p. 219.Google Scholar
  13. 13.
    W. Reno (1998) Warlord Politics and African States (London: Lynne Rienner).Google Scholar
  14. 14.
    P. Richard (1996) Fighting for the Rain Forest: War Youth and Resources in Sierra Leone (Oxford: Heinemann); W. Reno (1995) Corruption and State Politics in Sierra Leone (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press); and J. Kandeh (1992) ‘Sierra Leone Contradictory Class Functionality of the “Soft” State,’ Review of African Political Economy, vol. 55, pp. 30–43.Google Scholar
  15. 15.
    After the overthrow of the military regime in Sierra Leone, the ECOMOG Task Force entrusted with the responsibility of maintaining law and order prior to the official reinstatement of President Kabbah gave sweeping powers to the Task Force Commander, Col. Max Khobe, thereby assuming the status of de facto president.Google Scholar
  16. 16.
    Zartman, I. W. (ed.) (1995) Collapsed States: The Disintegration and Restoration of Legitimate Authority (London: Lynne Rienner), p. 223.Google Scholar
  17. 17.
    Bundu, ‘Some Lessons of West Africa’s First Experiments…’.Google Scholar
  18. 18.
    F. Kratochwil and E. Mansfield (1994) International Organization: A Reader (New York; London: HarperCollins), p. 246.Google Scholar
  19. 19.
    Independent, 2 March 1989.Google Scholar
  20. 20.
    W. O. Kodjoe (1994) ‘Regional Organisations and the Resolution of Internal Conflicts: The ECOWAS Intervention in Liberia’, International Peacekeeping, vol. 1, no. 3, p. 295.Google Scholar
  21. 21.
    West Africa, 1997, various issues.Google Scholar
  22. 22.
    O. Oju (1980) ‘Nigeria and the Formation of ECOWAS’, International Organization, vol. 34, no. 4.Google Scholar
  23. 23.
    General Abacha stated that ECOMOG’s operations in Liberia in 1990–97 cost the government $3 billion. This is contested by other contributing countries, especially the Francophone states.Google Scholar
  24. 24.
    Damrosch, Enforcing Restraint, p. 193.Google Scholar
  25. 25.
    T. Weiss (ed.) (1998) Beyond UN Subcontracting: Task Sharing with Regional Security Arrangements and Service-Providing NGOs (London: Macmillan), p. xiii.Google Scholar
  26. 26.
    E. Keller and D. Rothchild (eds) (1996) Africa in the New International Order: Rethinking State Sovereignty and Regional Security (London: Lynne Rienner).Google Scholar
  27. 27.
    Observer, 18 August 1996. Norman Stone only perpetuates into the twenty-first century the tradition of some Oxford professors’ views about Africa. In the 1920s, an Oxford professor described pre-colonial Africa as ‘blank, uninteresting, brutal barbarism’; and in 1963, Hugh Trevor-Roper, a Regius Professor of History, talked of African history as ‘no more than barbarous tribal gyrations’ (quoted in Michael Brown (1995) Africa’s Choices: After Thirty Years of the World Bank, Harmondsworth: Penguin, p. 15).Google Scholar
  28. 28.
    Channel 4 TV, Dispatches — Business War, 10 April 1998.Google Scholar
  29. 29.
    D. Shearer (1998) Private Armies and Military Intervention, Adelphi Paper 316 IISS (Oxford: Oxford University Press).Google Scholar
  30. 30.
    D. Francis (1999) ‘Mercenary Intervention in Sierra Leone: Providing National Security or International Exploitation?’, Third World Quarterly, vol. 20, no. 2.Google Scholar
  31. 31.
    Shearer, Private Armies and Military Intervention, p. 33.Google Scholar
  32. 32.
    Damrosch, Enforcing Restraint, p. 165.Google Scholar
  33. 33.
    Keller and Rothchild, Africa in the New International Order, p. 194.Google Scholar
  34. 34.
    Reno, Warlord Politics and African States, pp. 95–9.Google Scholar
  35. 35.
    Haas, Collective Conflict Management: Evidence for a New World Order in Kratochwil and Mansfield, International Organisation, p. 250.Google Scholar
  36. 36.
    Haas in Kratochwil and Mansfield, International Organisation, p. 252.Google Scholar
  37. 37.
    zartman, Collapsed States, p. 92.Google Scholar
  38. 38.
    C. E. Adibe, ‘The Liberian Conflict and the ECOWAS-UN Partnership’, in Weiss, Beyond UN Subcontracting, p. 81.Google Scholar
  39. 39.
    Weiss, Beyond UN Subcontracting, p. 5.Google Scholar
  40. 40.
    A. Bundu (1997) Letter to the Members of the United Nation Security Council, Alliance for Peace and Democracy in Sierra Leone, September.Google Scholar
  41. 41.
    Weiss, Beyond UN Subcontracting, p. 49.Google Scholar
  42. 42.
    O. Ramsbotham (1997) ‘Humanitarian Intervention 1990–5: A Need to Reconceptualise?’, Review of International Studies, vol. 23, no. 4, October, pp. 445–68.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  43. 43.
    Weiss, Beyond UN Subcontracting, p. 15.Google Scholar
  44. 44.
    Damrosch, Enforcing Restraint, p. 160.Google Scholar
  45. 45.
    C. Clapham (1998) ‘Westphalian Agendas in Tropical Africa’, Paper presented at the 350th Anniversary of the Peace of Westphalia Conference, Twente University, Enschede, The Netherlands, 16–19 July.Google Scholar
  46. 46.
    Reno, Warlord Politics and African States.Google Scholar
  47. 47.
    Damrosch, Enforcing Restraint, p. 183.Google Scholar
  48. 48.
    Weiss, Beyond UN Subcontracting, p. 80.Google Scholar
  49. 49.
    Zartman, Collapsed States, p. 2.Google Scholar
  50. 50.
    Howe, ‘Lessons of Liberia’, p. 146.Google Scholar
  51. 51.
    Ibid., p. 174.Google Scholar
  52. 52.
    Ibid., p. 176.Google Scholar
  53. 53.
    Damrosch, Enforcing Restraint, p. 176.Google Scholar
  54. 54.
    Fonteyne, Jean-Pierre (1974) ‘The Customary International Law of Humanitarian Intervention: Its Current Validity Under UN Charter’, California Western International Law Journal, vol. 4.Google Scholar
  55. 55.
    Zartman, Collapsed States, p. 98.Google Scholar
  56. 56.
    Howe, ‘Lessons of Liberia’ p. 150.Google Scholar
  57. 57.
    Sierra Leone News Web, 10 October 1998, available at http://www.sierra-leone.org/slnews.html.
  58. 58.
    Howe, ‘Lessons of Liberia’, p. 151.Google Scholar
  59. 59.
    These African members of the Security Council feared that giving approval for UN intervention in what was perceived as an internal conflict would set a ‘dangerous’ precedent, which will inevitably affect them.Google Scholar
  60. 60.
    Sierra Leone News Web, 26 October 1998, see Note 57 above.Google Scholar

Copyright information

© Palgrave Macmillan, a division of Macmillan Publishers Limited 2000

Authors and Affiliations

  • David Francis

There are no affiliations available

Personalised recommendations