Abstract
The failure of the referenda on the EU constitution in France and the Netherlands increased the impression that the EU is most of all a project of the elites. But who are these elites? Are they already European, maybe even globalized, or are they still nationally structured in their overwhelming majority? What is their social recruitment like? How strong is mobility between the various elite-sectors, to what degree does the integration of elites happen? These questions will determine the chapter. They are crucial for a sociological analysis as they inform about the two most important aspects, i.e. the democratic authorization of elites and their interior coherence. Altogether, there is no specifically European model of elite formation and elite integration. In Europe, three different basic types of elite formation can be identified. They differ from each other by two decisive aspects, by their specific ways of (both institutional and social) recruiting, and by the extent of their inter-sectoral mobility. Elites are most homogeneous where their recruiting is not only socially exclusive but also happens on the basis of standardized education at special elite-related educational institutions and if furthermore they regularly change between the different elite sectors. In this way, in Europe this is only the case with the French model. Great Britain represents the second type. Although it is also characterized by exclusive social and institutional recruitment it is different from the first type due to the fact that there is only limited exchange between the sectors. Germany must finally be counted among the third type which includes most of the European countries. In the case of this type elite careers happen mostly within one field, but in contrast to Great Britain there is no common education of elites at special institutions. Thus, the integration of elites may be considered least in this case. Its concrete degree, however, is strongly dependent on the social recruitment of each single elite which in this respect is more or less different, according to country.
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Notes
- 1.
The Sciences Po is almost as exclusive as the famous Grandes Écoles but does not officially enjoy the latter’s status.
- 2.
Here, like in the following, all current statements on education, career, and social origin of elites as well as all statements for which no reference is given are based on the author’s own research. In the case of British, French, and US top managers, the data on course of education and career (not on social origin), however, were not investigated by the author alone but in the context of a research and teaching project at the Institute of Sociology of the TU Darmstadt, which was supervised by the author.
- 3.
Alvarez de Cienfuegos and Botella state even a share of almost 50% of civil servants among ministers (Alvarez de Cienfuegos 1999: 51; Botella 1997: 188). Even if they possibly defined the civil servants according to other criteria than Linz et al., as they included only the governments between 1976 and 1994, many facts suggest that during the past 10 years top officials were more seldomly appointed minister, which is also according to the data by Parrado Diez, This means that the mobility between the political and the administrative elites has definitely declined.
- 4.
At the end of the 1960 s almost 90% of directors general came from the upper or upper middle class (Alba 1984: 235).
- 5.
The fact that almost two-thirds of the ministers after 1977 worked only for one ministry, that slightly another third changed ministry only once, and that only a total of 9.2% headed more than two ministries shows the small extent of mobility and suggests an extent of specialization which is similar to that of the Corps (Linz et al. 2002: 107).
- 6.
Public schools form the core of British private schools for boys, joined under the Headmasters Conference, ca. 200 altogether. The most famous of them is Eton, one of the nine oldest and most renowned public schools which are known as the Clarendon Nine. Together with another ca. 20 public schools these schools form the Eton and Rugby Groups, attended by about 5 per mill each year of students. Attending them costs up to 25,000 Pounds a year, i.e. more than the average income per year in Great Britain.
- 7.
As currently the management model in Great Britain is changing, these data refer to those people actually occupying the leading position, i.e. usually either to executive chairmen or, if the chairmen are non-executive, to CEOs. In single cases the decision about who really has the power in the respective company was made according to media reports.
- 8.
This way, Great Britain would come closer to the USA, where institutions of elite education play a crucial role for the formation of elites but concentration is much weaker.
- 9.
In the middle of the 1990 s the members of the uppermost management level of Swiss companies showed even broader social recruitment than members of parliament and professors. However, data are only based on a very small number of responding managers, only 207 of a total of 1,662 (Rothböck et al. 1999: 476, 480–482). According to experiences from the large German study on elites, carried out in Potsdam, it must be assumed that probably the social climbers most of all in state-run companies are by far over-represented, while the members of the classical business elite are clearly under-represented (Hartmann 2004: 146).
- 10.
Due to the Federal Government’s initiative for excellence, however, this may be supposed to change fundamentally in the oncoming years (Hartmann 2006b).
- 11.
The same is true for Dutch top managers, as investigated by Beekenkamp in his study on President-directeuren of the 250 biggest Dutch companies (Beekenkamp 2002: 63).
- 12.
On the basis of available data it was not possible to find out in how far the two groups overlap.
- 13.
Being 64% for Norway and 100% for Denmark, the figures on the juristic elite are even considerably higher. However, they might be due to unclear definitions or required steps of administrative career and are thus not all too telling.
- 14.
On the special situation in the states of the former Eastern Block see Chapter 5.
- 15.
For example, in Italy between 1992 and 2001 alone, there has been the denationalization of state shares to an extent which makes 11.9% of the whole gross domestic product. The denationalization of almost the entire IRI and Telecom Italia as well as of almost 70% of ENI counts among this.
- 16.
Very few members of the “great families”, however, have always been found in high political positions, usually, such as Gianni Agnelli, as members of the Senate having been appointed for life by the President.
- 17.
Recently, also at the level of ministry bureaucracy there are comparable developments. Two high-ranking staff members of the Federal Treasury are at the same time working for the German Stock Exchange and the HSH Nordbank, their previous employers, and still receive their previous salaries from them. A clash of interests can hardly be excluded in these cases, as they contribute to draft laws concerning their private employers.
- 18.
However, for the most influential positions the situation is somewhat different also for the sciences. Thus, more than two-thirds of the previous chairmen of the most important organization, the “Wissenschaftsrat” (Council of Sciences), are of bourgeois origin.
- 19.
However, one must see that the share of academics among fathers, being 54% (1999), has been almost stabile during the past few decades, but that the percentage of fathers being mentioned in Who’s Who has almost halved in the same period. Given unchanged recruitment from the upper middle and the upper class in its entirety, there has obviously been a shift at the expense of the upper class.
- 20.
Just as in justice, also for the administrative elite a clear decline in numbers of upper class children must be stated. In 1963 every third father, afterall, was listed in Who’s Who. The share of academics among fathers, however (also comparable to the juristic elite), showing a decline from 37 to 33%, has been relatively stabile (Christiansen et al. 2001: 86).
- 21.
In this context, however, it must be taken into consideration that all these cases are assumptions by the authors, as for none of these countries there are really convincing data on social origin.
- 22.
Mastekaase gives figures for Norwegian managers which indicate even greater social openness. According to him, in case of the same educational level children from the managerial class (managers and executives) do not have significantly better chances for top positions in big enterprises with more than 1,000 employees than working class children (Mastekaase 2004: 228–231). Gulbrandsen et al., on the other hand, state that even if the level of education is controlled the offspring from the upper 10% have a chance for reaching an elite position which is increased by the factor 4.7 (Gulbrandsen et al. 2002: 88). The reason for this considerable difference may be first of all the different sample, which in Mastekaase includes slightly more than 20 times as many people from business, including almost 10,000 managers. Even if we only count big enterprises with more than 1,000 employees, his figure is considerably bigger than in Gulbrandsen et al. because for his sample he includes the best-paid 3% of all employees, i.e. 3,000 people for the 24 enterprises with 4,000 employees or more alone. Thus, his figures may be supposed to be telling less on the business elite but much more on managers as a whole.
- 23.
Almost all relevant publications refer to the results of this investigation carried out by an international team of sociologists under the title “Social Stratification in Eastern Europe”.
- 24.
For this figure it must be noticed that for Poland with 200 out of 600 biggest groups (Eyal et al. 1998: 206–207) the sample selection is more exclusive than for the other two countries, i.e. top managers represent a more exclusive circle.
- 25.
Also the USA and Japan present an image similar to France (see concluding section).
- 26.
In Northwestern and particularly in Eastern Europe the situation is somewhat different. There, the MBA gains ground rather fast. As, however, in many cases it is achieved at national universities (most of all in Northwestern Europe) it has not automatically the nature of a transnational, integrating degree. Furthermore, it stays open in how far the graduates of the appropriate courses will really dominate top management positions.
- 27.
There is no information of the social origins of the Italian commissioner Frattini.
- 28.
Just like every rule, of course this rule has its exceptions, e.g. the special conditions (decline of the classical bourgeois parties in 1933, the development of the people’s parties after 1945, the national elites being discredited by their support of National-Socialist rule, clash of systems within Germany, restricted sovereignty by the Statute of the Four Powers of the former occupying powers) of the recruitment of the political elite in Germany, which for decades has been based on the lower middle class.
- 29.
For a more detailed analysis of the European elites and the relationship between the structure of national elites and the gap between the rich and the poor see Hartmann (2007).
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Hartmann, M. (2010). Elites and Power Structure. In: Immerfall, S., Therborn, G. (eds) Handbook of European Societies. Springer, New York, NY. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-0-387-88199-7_10
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