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Politics

Electoral Accountability, Credible Commitments, and Distributive Pressures

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Democratic Governance and Economic Performance

Part of the book series: Studies in Public Choice ((SIPC,volume 14))

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Notes

  1. 1.

    This section builds on Falaschetti (2002) and Falaschetti and Orlando (2008).

  2. 2.

    Hamilton (2008) observed that “(t)he ability to create money to pay for whatever you might deem worthwhile is one that few human beings are capable of exercising responsibly.”

  3. 3.

    These lyrics come from the legendary rock band, Led Zeppelin’s, cover of the song.

  4. 4.

    Payoffs to all possible combinations of actions are reported at the bottom of the game tree and follow the convention that the top payoff goes to the first mover – the accused in this example.

  5. 5.

    This interest appears considerable in light of how prominently the speeches, testimony, and even day-to-day actions of Federal Reserve officers are featured in news media.

  6. 6.

    Falaschetti and Orlando (2008) reviewed a more formal, though qualitatively identical, illustration of how time inconsistency creates problems for monetary policy.

  7. 7.

    Notice that, unless monetary policy accommodates expectations in this case, the real cost of production factors can temporarily increase.

  8. 8.

    An alternative to this institutional remedy is to task the monetary authority with increasing output and ask society to fool itself into believing that such an arrangement does not create perverse policy incentives. Individual members of society can do better for themselves, however, by constructively anticipating high inflation when others are irrationally (but charitably) expecting low inflation. In the end, society will thus tend toward rational expectations about inflation.

  9. 9.

    Alan Gibbard (1973) and Mark Satterthwaite (1975) showed that the benefits from this sort of strategic delegation are robust to the particulars of Vickers’ (1985) example. Roughly, the “Gibbard–Satterthwaite theorem” says that truthfully revealing one’s preferences is almost never a dominant strategy (i.e., there almost always exist opponent strategies that encourage players to act in a less than truthful manner). But notice that delegating authority to a perfect agent essentially reveals the principal’s true preferences. And since making such a revelation is almost never “dominant” (i.e., the best action that one can play, regardless of what one’s opponent does), hiring a perfect agent can almost never be dominant.

  10. 10.

    Insights like these led Drazen (2000, p. 141, emphasis in original) to observe that, “Even if it were possible for the principal to appoint an agent with the same objectives, it may not be optimal to do so. That is, in delegating the decision over a specific policy objective, a government may come closer to achieving its preferred objective by having an agent aim for a different objective!”

  11. 11.

    “Society can sometimes make itself better off by appointing a central banker who does not share the social objective function” (Rogoff 1985, p. 1169).

  12. 12.

    See Drazen’s (2000) chapter 5.

  13. 13.

    See, however, Adam Posen (1993, 1995, 1998), who argued that CBI may simply reflect deeper societal forces (e.g., those associated with the distributional consequences of inflation).

  14. 14.

    Districts banks reside in Boston, New York, Philadelphia, Cleveland, Richmond (VA), Atlanta, Chicago, St. Louis, Minneapolis, Kansas City, Dallas, and San Francisco.

  15. 15.

    “Board members cannot be fired, forced to resign, or voted out of office” (Waller 1992, p. 415).

  16. 16.

    The FOMC meets eight times a year to determine monetary policy. “Monetary policy” refers to actions that “influence the availability and cost of money and credit to help promote national economic goals” (The Federal Reserve Board, http://www.federalreserve.gov/FOMC/default.htm; accessed on 21 September 2004).

  17. 17.

    Residual earnings from this portfolio represent seignorage in the sense that the Fed transfers them to the Treasury (i.e., the US fiscal authority).

  18. 18.

    See, for example, Acemoglu (2003).

  19. 19.

    This section builds on Falaschetti (2008).

  20. 20.

    The Act would ban automatic pay increases for Members of Congress in years that follow a Federal budget deficit. Representative Cliff Stearns (R-FL) introduced HR 229, the “Deficit Accountability Act of 2007”, to the House of Representatives on 4 January 2007. As of this book’s writing, the bill does not appear to have gone further than being referred to the Committee on House Administration and the Committee on Oversight and Government Reform (see The Library of Congress’s “Thomas” database, http://thomas.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/z?c110:H.R.+229:, accessed on 15 November 2008). Representative Stearns, sometimes teaming with other Members of Congress, has introduced this bill to several Congresses (e.g., see Representative Stearns’ press release for the “Deficit Accountability Act of 2004” at http://www.house.gov/stearns/PressReleases/PR2004Releases/pr-040210-payraise.html, accessed 15 on November 2008).

  21. 21.

    See, for example, Phillips and McKinnon (2008).

  22. 22.

    James Surowiecki (2004) described this implication as the “wisdom of crowds.”

  23. 23.

    Norman Schofield authoritatively developed this conclusion in a more general form- see, for example, Schofield (2008). We will see another application of this important insight in Chapter 6 of this book, where democratic corporate governance may lead to the unintended consequence of destabilizing business strategies.

  24. 24.

    A 27 November 2007 panel at the Stanford Law School (Ruling the law: judges, legislators, and the struggle for judicial independence) included former Supreme Court Justice Sandra Day O’Connor and highlighted both the long history of such risks and the possibility that they are increasing (iTunes.stanford.edu, accessed on 16 November 2008). Famous Presidents such as Thomas Jefferson, Andrew Jackson, Theodore Roosevelt, and Franklin D. Roosevelt, for example, arguably placed considerable distributive pressures on the judiciary while making it more “accountable.” Contemporary democratic pressures to reign in “activist” judges appear to have encouraged Congressional threats of judicial budget cuts and impeachment, and even a state-level “jail for judges” ballot initiative to hold judges (and jurors) accountable for “erroneous” decisions.

  25. 25.

    Eric Maskin and Jean Tirole (2004) developed a related analysis.

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Falaschetti, D. (2009). Politics. In: Democratic Governance and Economic Performance. Studies in Public Choice, vol 14. Springer, New York, NY. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-0-387-78707-7_4

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