Abstract
Early histories of the Industrial Revolution held that the spread of machine production during the ‘factory age’ (c.1760 to 1850) led to a rapid transformation in the economic and social life of Britain. Increasingly, however, historians have discovered that the pace of industrial growth was a more gradual process and that ‘revolutionary’ change in production was confined to a small number of districts (notably, the central belt of Scotland, Lancashire, west Yorkshire, parts of Derbyshire and Cheshire, and the west midlands).1 Even by the mid-nineteenth century, much of the British labour market remained dominated by ‘traditional’ forms of labour. At the time of the Great Exhibition, agriculture, horticulture, forestry and fishing employed 1.9 million men and boys and accounted for 29 per cent of the male labour force whilst the ‘leading sectors’ of the classic ‘Industrial Revolution’ (cotton, iron and steam) together accounted for less than a quarter of British manufacturing.2 Even in rapidly industrialising districts, large-scale production continued to rely upon a multiplicity of small domestic manufacturing units.3 In 1851, the number of workers in domestic textiles production equalled those in factory textiles whilst at the same date the mean size of a British production process was only 20 workers.4
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Notes
Theoretical and empirical approaches to comparative regional studies are discussed in S. Pollard, Peaceful Conquest (Oxford, 1981);
J. Langton, ‘The Industrial Revolution and the Regional Geography of England’, Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, 9 (1984);
P. Hudson, The Industrial Revolution (London, 1992).
The numbers of males employed in agriculture remained fairly steady over the nineteenth century, though they fell as a proportion of the total of males employed in Great Britain: 1841: 29%, 1851: 29%, 1861: 25%, 1871: 19%, 1881: 18%. B. R. Mitchell, British Historical Statistics (Cambridge, 1988), p. 104.
C. K. Harley, ‘British Industrialization Before 1841: Evidence of Slower Growth During the Industrial Revolution’, Journal of Economic History, 42 (1982), p. 268.
M. Berg, The Age of Manufactures (London, 1985), p. 253;
P. Hudson, The Genesis of Industrial Capital: A Study of the West Riding Wool Textile Industry (Cambridge, 1986), pp. 149–54.
S. Pollard, The Genesis of Modern Management (London, 1965), p. 163.
A. Kussmaul, Servants in Husbandry in Early Modern England (Cambridge, 1981), p. 4.
S. Pollard, ‘Factory Discipline in the Industrial Revolution’, Economic History Review, 16 (1963), p. 259, n. 3.
During autumn, acorns would be picked as soon as they dropped and sold to farmers as pig-food: J. Kitteringham, ‘Country Work Girls in Nineteenth-Century England’ in R. Samuel (ed.) Village Life and Labour (London, 1975), pp. 75–83.
As late as 1851, three-quarters of Lancashire farms were smaller than 50 acres: S. Coombs and D. Radburn, ‘Children and Young People on the Land’ in M. Winstanley (ed.) Working Children in Nineteenth-Century Lancashire (Preston, 1995), p. 74;
M. Winstanley, ‘Industrialization and the Small Farm: Family and Household Economy in Nineteeenth-Century Lancashire’, Past and Present, 152 (1996), pp. 157–95.
D. H. Morgan, ‘The Place of Harvesters in Nineteenth-Century Village Life’ in R. Samuel (ed.) Village Life and Labour (London, 1975), p. 29.
E. J. T. Collins, ‘Harvest Technology and Labour Supply in Britain, 1790–1870’, Economic History Review, 22 (1969).
K. D. M. Snell, ‘Agricultural Seasonal Unemployment, the Standard of Living and Women’s Work in the South and East, 1690–1860 ‘, Economic History Review, 34 (1981), pp. 410–16;
M. Roberts, ‘Sickles and Scythes: Women’s Work and Men’s Work at Harvest Time,’ History Workshop, 7 (1979).
K. D. M. Snell, ‘The Standard of Living, Social Relations, the Family and Labour Mobility in South-Eastern and Western Counties, 1700–1860’, PhD thesis (Cambridge, 1979), pp. 165–9. In Suffolk, the binding of apprentices to agriculture per se had declined steadily from the late eighteenth century. By the early 1840s, in Suffolk, Norfolk and Lincolnshire, the apprenticing of pauper children to farmers had been ‘almost universally abandoned’ and the employment of children in gangs more widespread: Reports of Special Assistant Poor Law Commissioners on the Employment of Women and Children in Agriculture, PP 1843, XII, pp. 220, 239–40, 250–1, 258–9. Speechley has argued that child labour in agriculture in Somerset averaged about 14 per cent between the late seventeenth and the late nineteenth century:
H. V. Speechley, ‘Female and Child Agricultural Day Labourers in Somerset, c.1685–1870’, PhD thesis (Exeter, 1999), p. 198;
See also S. Horrell, and J. Humphries, ‘“Exploitation of Little Children”: Child Labour and the Family Economy in the Industrial Revolution’, Explorations in Economic History, 32 (1995), pp. 491–5.
Census 1851, PP 1852–53, LXXXVIII, tab. xxv. This partly confirms ‘the falsity of the belief that manufacturing employment related to distant markets, whether in the home or the factory, was the dominant source of new jobs for the rising generations of young men’: E. A. Wrigley, ‘Men on the Land and Men in the Countryside: Employment in Agriculture in Early Nineteenth-Century England’ in L. Bonfield, R. M. Smith and K. Wrightson (eds) The World We Have Gained (Oxford, 1986), p. 302.
Kussmaul, Servants in Husbandry, p. 31; W. A. Armstrong, ‘Rural Population Growth, Systems of Employment and Incomes’ in G. E. Mingay (ed.) The Agrarian History of England and Wales, vol. 6 (Cambridge, 1989), p. 672.
The practice of annual binding also existed in some archetypal industrial processes: in the northeast of England, the use of the bond had some transitory success in limiting the migratory habits of coalminers:
P. E. H. Hair, ‘The Social History of British Coalminers’, D. Phil. thesis (Oxford, 1955), p. 314;
J. L. and B. Hammond, The Skilled Labourer, 1760–1832 (London, 1919), p. 12.
F. Mendels, ‘Family Forms in Historic Europe: A Review Article’, Social History, 11 (1986), p. 84;
B. Hill, Servants: English Domestics in the Eighteenth Century (Oxford, 1996), p. 6;
K. D. M. Snell, Annals of the Labouring Poor: Social Change and Agrarian England, 1660–1900 (Cambridge, 1985), pp. 53–4, n. 36.
Pollard, ‘Factory Discipline’, p. 265. The picture is more complex, however, than is allowed for in the scope of the present work. Some of the problems of measuring farm service from census figures are explored in A. Gritt, ‘The Census and the Servant: A Reassessment of the Decline and Distribution of Farm Service in Early Nineteenth-Century England’, Economic History Review, 53 (2000), pp. 84–106;
W. A. Armstrong, Farmworkers in England and Wales (Iowa, 1988), p. 96.
R. Mitchison, ‘Scotland, 1750–1850’ in F. M. L. Thompson (ed.) The Cambridge Social History of Britain, vol. 1 (Cambridge, 1990), pp. 175–6; Kitteringham, ‘Country Work Girls’, p. 85.
The Gangs Act of 1867 also allowed JPs to to limit the walking distances of older children. I. Pinchbeck and M. Hewitt, Children in English Society, vol.2 (London 1973), p. 394.
E. Hopkins, Childhood Transformed: Working-Class Children in Nineteenth-Century England, (Manchester, 1994), p. 20;
P. Horn, The Changing Countryside in Victorian and Edwardian England and Wales (London, 1984), p. 164.
McKendrick, ‘Home Demand’, p. 173; Hudson, Genesis of Industrial Capital, p. 57. Most workers experienced a general increase in incomes in the post-Napoleonic War period, but proto-industrial, manufacturing and skilled workers experienced the most substantial increases. P. H. Lindert and J. G. Williamson, ‘English Workers’ Living Standards During the Industrial Revolution: A New Look’, Economic History Review, 2nd ser., 36 (1983), pp. 1–25.
R. Samuel, ‘Mechanisation and Hand Labour in Industrializing Britain’ in L. R. Berlanstein (ed.) The Industrial Revolution and Work in Nineteenth-Century Europe (London, 1992);
D. Levine, ‘The Demographic Implications of Rural Industrialisation: A Family Reconstitution Study of Shepshed, Leicestershire, 1600–1851’, Social History, 1 (1976), p. 179.
D. T. Jenkins, ‘Factory Returns, 1850–1905’, Textile History, 9 (1978), p. 64.
J. H. Clapham, Economic History of Modern Britain: The Early Railway Age, 1820–1850 (Cambridge, 1950), vol. 2, tab., p. 35; Pollard, Genesis of Modern Management, p. 163;
R. A. Church, ‘Labour Supply and Innovation: The Boot and Shoe Industry’, Business History, 12 (1970), p. 26.
C. Hallas, ‘The Textile Industry in Wensleydale and Swaledale’, Textile History, 21 (1990), pp. 204–5; Armstrong, Farmworkers, pp. 67–8.
P. Horn, ‘Child Workers in the Pillow Lace and Straw Plait Trades of Victorian Buckinghamshire and Bedfordshire’, Historical Journal, 17 (1974), p. 779.
W. B. Stephens, Education, Literacy and Society, 1830–1870 (Manchester, 1987), app. B, p. 319 and table 5. 1, p. 171.
Stephens, Education, Literacy and Society, app. B, pp. 318–19. Industrial counties such as Lancashire did, however, comprise much larger populations and therefore larger absolute numbers of child workers. In Meiji Japan in 1900, the proportion of workers of both sexes aged below 14 was greater in handicraft industries such as rug-weaving, rope-braiding and matchmaking than in larger-scale operations such as cotton-spinning and silk-reeling: O. Saito, ‘Children’s Work, Industrialism and the Family Economy in Japan, 1872–1926’ in H. Cunningham and P. P. Viazzo (eds) Child Labour in Historical Perspective, 1800–1985: Case Studies from Europe, Japan and Colombia (Florence, 1996), table 4, p. 78.
G. F. R. Spenceley, ‘The English Pillow Lace Industry, 1840–1880: A Rural Industry in Competition with Machinery’, Business History, 19 (1977), p. 68.
Horn, ‘Pillow Lace and Straw Plait Trades’, p. 781; D. Bythell, The Sweated Trades: Outwork in Nineteenth-Century Britain (London, 1978), p. 119.
Levine, ‘Demographic Implications of Rural Industrialisation’, p. 183. Reductions in import duties on silk in 1824 and 1826 (though causing some short-term optimism about a revival of English silk production) had the effect of exposing English production to foreign competition and the silk trade was transformed into a marginal industry in an international market: S. J. Bush, ‘The Technological Development of the English Silk Industry, 1685–1860’, M. Phil thesis (Manchester, 1995), p. 66.
S. R. H. Jones, ‘Technology, Transaction Costs, and the Transition to Factory Production in the British Silk Industry, 1700–1870’, Journal of Economic History, 47 (1987), p. 86.
E. Kerridge, Textile Manufacturers in Early Modern England (Manchester, 1985), p. 202.
W. Radcliffe, The Origin of Power-Loom Weaving (London, 1828), p. 61, cited in
M. W. Thomas, The Early Factory Legislation: A Study in Legislative and Administrative Evolution (London, 1948), p. 6;
I. Pinchbeck, Women Workers and the Industrial Revolution, 1750–1850 (London, 1930), p. 147.
D. Woodward, ‘The Background to the Statute of Artificers: The Genesis of Labour Policy, 1558–63’, Economic History Review, 2nd ser., 33 (1980), table, p. 34.
K. D. M Snell, ‘The Apprenticeship System in British History: The Fragmentation of a Cultural Institution’, History of Education, 25 (1996), p. 305.
Snell, Annals, pp. 270–319. Though many eighteenth-century girls were bound to traditional ‘feminine’ occupations such as millinery and other textile crafts, a few were still to be found pursuing archetypal masculine occupations such as blacksmith and farrier: Snell, Annals, pp. 296–7; M. Berg, ‘Women’s Work, Mechanisation and the Early Phases of Industrialisation in England’ in P. Joyce (ed.) The Historical Meanings of Work (Cambridge, 1987), p. 75.
E. Roberts, Women’s Work, 1840–1940 (Cambridge, 1988), p. 5. There were some exceptions to the tendency towards ‘bridging occupations’. For example, the long (often unpaid) training of apprentice dressmakers and milliners endowed them with skills that could be employed throughout later life: ibid., p. 29;
E. Higgs, Domestic Servants and Households in Rochdale, 1851–1871 (London, 1986), pp. 2, 59.
D. Simonton, ‘Apprenticeship: Training and Gender in Eighteenth-Century England’, Journal of Economic History, 43 (1983), pp. 240–3.
Clapham, Economic History of Modern Britain, vol. 1, pp. 370–1; see also J. Rule, The Experience of Labour in Eighteenth-Century English Industry (New York, 1981), pp. 95–123.
I. J. Prothero, Artisans and Politics in Early Nineteenth-Century London (Folkestone, 1979), p. 31.
T. K. Derry, ‘The Repeal of the Apprenticeship Clauses in the Statute of Apprentices’, Economic History Review, 3 (1931–32), p. 69.
Derry, ‘Statute of Apprentices’, p. 68; J. Lane, Apprenticeship in England, 1600–1914 (London, 1996), p. 56.
M. B. Rose, ‘Social Policy and Business: Parish Apprentices and the Early Factory System, 1750–1834’, Business History, 31 (1989), p. 11;
J. H. Clapham, ‘The Spitalfields Acts, 1733–1824’, Economic Journal, 26 (1916), pp. 461–2.
Kussmaul, Servants in Husbandry, p. 5; S. Shahar, Childhood in the Middle Ages (London, 1990), p. 233; Knox, ‘British Apprenticeship’, p. 11.
M. MacKinnon, ‘Living Standards, 1870–1914’ in R. Floud and D. N. McCloskey (eds) The Economic History of Britain Since 1700 (Cambridge, 1994), vol. 2, pp. 275–6.
G. S. Jones, Outcast London (Harmondsworth, 1984), p. 31.
A. Davin, Growing up Poor: Home, School and Street in London, 1870–1914 (London, 1996), pp. 159, 256.
Report on the Condition of the Hand-Loom Weavers, PP 1840, XXIV (Report of W. E. Hickson), p. 52. Many of the poorest children were simply left to scavenge what they could from the urban environment. Jack Lanigan recalled his childhood in Salford: ‘Besides the heartbreaking cry, ‘“Ave yer any bread left master?” there was another common cry at all the “Fish and Chips” shops, “Can you spare any scrapings, Sir?”… The kids, myself included, travelled from shop to shop to ensure we had collected sufficient for the family… These scrapings with some bread made a meal.’ J. Lanigan, ‘Incidents in the Life of a Citizen’, quoted in J. Burnett, Destiny Obscure: Autobiographies of Childhood, Education and Family from the 1820s to the 1920s (Harmondsworth, 1977), p. 86.
On this see H. Hendrick, Images of Youth: Age, Class and the Male Youth Problem (Oxford, 1990);
D. Fowler, First Teenagers: The Lifestyle of Young Wage-Earners in Interwar Britain (London, 1995), pp. 21–4;
E. J. Urwick (ed.) Studies of Boy Life in Our Cities (London, 1904).
R. H. Tawney, ‘The Economics of Boy Labour’, Economic Journal, 19 (1909), pp. 524, 520, 517.
A. Greenwood, ‘Blind-Alley Labour’, Economic Journal, 22 (1912), p. 309.
See, for example, J. E. Zucchi, The Little Slaves of the Harp: Italian Child Street Musicians in Nineteenth-Century Paris, London and New York, (Montreal, 1992);
F. Keeling, Child Labour in the United Kingdom: A Study of the Development and Administration of the Law Relating to the Employment of Children (London, 1914), pp. 11–16.
A. Kidd, State, Society and the Poor in Nineteenth-Century England (Basingstoke, 1999), p. 88.
M. J. Daunton, House and Home in the Victorian City (London, 1983), p. 12.
Kidd, State, Society and the Poor, p. 87; J. Parr, Labouring Children: British Immigrant Apprentices to Canada, 1869–1924 (London, 1980), p. 11.
G. Wagner, Children of the Empire (London, 1982), p. 84.
A. H. Robson, The Education of Children Engaged in Industry in England, 1833–1876, (London, 1931), p. 3;
J. S. Lyons, ‘Family Response to Economic Decline: Hand-loom Weavers in Early Nineteenth-Century Lancashire’, Research in Economic History, 12 (1989), p. 55.
C. Nardinelli, ‘Corporal Punishment and Children’s Wages in Nineteenth-Century Britain’, Explorations in Economic History, 19 (1982), pp. 283–95;
C. Nardinelli, Child Labor and the Industrial Revolution (Bloomington, IN, 1990), table 4.3, p. 93.
One contemporary noted: ‘The awkward posture required to spin on them was discouraging to grown up people, while they saw, with a degree of surprise, children from nine to twelve years of age, manage them with dexterity, which brought plenty into families that were before overburthened with children.’ J. Ogden, A Description of Manchester by a Native of the Town, reprinted as Manchester a Hundred Years Ago, ed. W. E. Axon (London, 1887), p. 87.
M. Berg and P. Hudson, ‘Rehabilitating the Industrial Revolution’, Economic History Review, 45 (1992), p. 36; Berg, ‘Women’s Work’, p. 79. Honeyman suggests that machines ‘were often invented specifically for this workforce, on whom they were initially tested’:
K. Honeyman, Women, Gender and Industrialisation in England, 1700–1870 (Basingstoke, 2000), p. 44.
L. C. A. Knowles, Industrial and Commercial Revolutions (London, 1930), p. 50.
Cited in W. Lazonick, ‘Industrial Relations and Technical Change: The Case of the Self-Acting Mule’, Cambridge Journal of Economics, 3 (1979), pp. 231–62.
N. J. Smelser, ‘Sociological History: The Industrial Revolution and the British Working-Class Family’, Journal of Social History, 1 (1967), pp. 26–9.
M. Anderson, ‘Sociological History and the Working-Class Family: Smelser Revisited’, Social History, 1 (1976), p. 323.
M. M. Edwards and R. Lloyd -Jones, ‘N. J. Smelser and the Cotton Factory Family: A Reassessment’ in N. B. Harte and K. G. Ponting (eds) Textile History and Economic History: Essays in Honour of Miss Julia de Lacy Mann (Manchester, 1973), table 12.2, p. 313; Anderson, ‘Smelser Revisited’, p. 324. It has been suggested more recently that in 1843 only 15 per cent of Manchester factory children were employed by a parent:
P. Bolin-Hort, Work, Family and the State: Child Labour and the Organisation of Production in the British Cotton Industry, 1780–1920 (Lund, 1989), pp. 52–3.
Anderson assumes an average age at marriage among spinners of 21 years: M. Anderson, Family Structure in Nineteenth-Century Lancashire (Cambridge, 1971), p. 115.
H. Cunningham, ‘Decline of Child Labour: Labour Markets and Family Economies in Europe and North America Since 1830’, Economic History Review, 53 (2000), p. 417. Cunningham does not provide any primary research findings of his own to substantiate this view.
C. Nardinelli, ‘Child Labor and the Factory Acts’, Journal of Economic History, 40 (1980), pp. 743–4.
S. J. Chapman, The Lancashire Cotton Industry: A Study in Economic Development (Manchester, 1904), p. 112.
J. Pressley, ‘Childhood, Education and Labour: Moral Pressure and the End of the Half-Time System’, PhD thesis (Lancaster, 2000), p. 50. Moreover, as Bolin-Hort has suggested, employment agreements ‘were often made on an informal or tacit level, and are not to be found overtly stated in historical records’: Bolin-Hort, Work, Family and the State, p. 149.
Bolin-Hort, Work, Family and the State, pp. 151–2. It has also been argued that the numbers of half-timers would have risen even more rapidly had the minimum age of entry not been raised in 1874: M. Winstanley, ‘The Factory Workforce’ in M. B. Rose (ed.) The Lancashire Cotton Industry: A History Since 1700 (Preston, 1996), p. 134.
D. A. Farnie, The English Cotton Industry and the World Market, 1815–1896 (Oxford, 1979), p. 297.
T. S. Ashton and J. Sykes, The Coal Industry of the Eighteenth Century (Manchester, 1929), pp. 172–3; Hair, ‘Social History of British Coalminers’, pp. 166–9;
P. Kirby, ‘Aspects of the Employment of Children in the British Coalmining Industry, 1800–1872’ PhD thesis (Sheffield, 1995), pp. 165–215;
P. Kirby, ‘The Viability of Child Labour and the Mines Act of 1842’ in M. Lavalette (ed.) A Thing of the Past? Child Labour in Britain in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries (Liverpool, 1999), pp. 101–17.
Hair, ‘Social History of British Coalminers’, pp. 3–4; P. E. H. Hair, ‘Children in Society, 1850–1980’ in T. Barker and M. Drake (eds) Population and Society in Britain, 1850–1980 (London, 1982), p. 49.
Mitchell, British Historical Statistics, p. 262; D. Greasley, ‘The Diffusion of Machine Cutting in the British Coal Industry, 1900–1938’, Explorations in Economic History, 19 (1982), pp. 246–68.
A. J. Taylor, ‘Labour Productivity and Technological Innovation in the British Coal Industry, 1850–1914’, Economic History Review, 14 (1961–62), p. 57.
J. Benson, British Coalminers in the Nineteenth Century: A Social History (Dublin, 1980), p. 48.
H. Cunningham, ‘The Employment and Unemployment of Children in England, c.1680–1851’, Past and Present, 126 (1990), pp. 120–1, 115.
Cunningham’s theory of child ‘unemployment’ has been widely cited. See H. Cunningham, Children and Childhood in Western Society Since 1500 (Harlow, 1995), pp. 82–3;
H. Cunningham and P. P. Viazzo, ‘Some Issues in the Historical Study of Child Labour’ in idem (eds) Child Labour in Historical Perspective, 1800–1985: Case Studies from Europe, Japan and Colombia (Florence, 1996), p. 16; H. Cunningham, ‘Combating Child Labour: The British Experience’, ibid., p. 41; Cunningham, ‘The Decline of Child Labour’, pp. 415, 419;
S. Horrell and J. Humphries, ‘Old Questions, New Data and Alternative Perspectives: Families’ Living Standards in the Industrial Revolution’, Journal of Economic History, 52 (1992), pp. 850–1; Horrell and Humphries, ‘Exploitation of Little Children’, p. 486;
M. Lavalette, ‘The Changing Form of Child Labour circa 1880–1918: The Growth of “Out of School” Work’ in idem (ed.) A Thing of the Past? Child Labour in Britain in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries (Liverpool, 1999), p. 120;
P. Horn, Children’s Work and Welfare, 1780–1880s (Basingstoke, 1994), p. 14.
D. Levine, ‘Industrialisation and the Proletarian Family in England’, Past and Present, 107 (1985). See also F. Mendels, ‘Proto-Industrialisation: The First Phase of the Process of Industrialisation’, Journal of Economic History, 32 (1972); H. Medick, ‘The Proto-Industrial Family Economy: The Structural Function of Household and Family During the Transition from Peasant to Industrial Capitalism’, Social History, 1 (1976);
L. A. Clarkson, Proto-Industrialization: The First Phase of Industrialization? (London, 1985); McKendrick, ‘Home Demand’;
J. de Vries, ‘Between Purchasing Power and the World of Goods: Understanding the Household Economy in Early Modern Europe’ in J. Brewer and R. Porter (eds) Consumption and the World of Goods (London, 1993).
A. Davin, ‘Working or Helping? London Working-Class Children in the Domestic Economy’ in J. Smith, I. Wallerstein and H. Evers (eds) Households in the World Economy (London, 1984);
E. Higgs, ‘Occupational Censuses and the Agricultural Workforce in Victorian England and Wales’ Economic History Review, 2nd ser., 48 (1995). See also
H. Hendrick, Child Welfare: England, 1872–1989 (London, 1994), p. 30.
G. S. Becker, ‘A Theory of the Allocation of Time’, Economic Journal, 75 (1965), pp. 493–517.
Even some large-scale industrial employers could lose 90 per cent of their labour force on ‘St Monday’: E. Hopkins, ‘Working Hours and Conditions During the Industrial Revolution: A Reappraisal’, Economic History Review, 35 (1982), p. 56.
Though references to a ‘want of employment’ may be found during the nineteenth century, the concept of unemployment itself did not become widely used by economic theorists until the 1890s: J. Harris, Unemployment and Politics: A Study in English Social Policy (Oxford, 1972), p. 4.
For implicit and explicit objections to the ‘unemployment’ thesis, see J. Styles, ‘Manufacturing, Consumption and Design in Eighteenth-Century England’ in J. Brewer and R. Porter (eds) Consumption and the World of Goods (London, 1993), p. 552, n. 51; Hopkins, Childhood Transformed, pp. 316–17; Berg and Hudson, ‘Rehabilitating the Industrial Revolution’, p. 35; Saito, ‘Children’s Work’, p. 87;
C. Tuttle, Hard at Work in Factories and Mines: The Economics of Child Labour During the British Industrial Revolution (Boulder, CO, 1999), pp. 11–12, 184; Speechley, ‘Female and Child Agricultural Labourers’, p. 198; Schwarz, ‘English Servants’, p. 255.
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Kirby, P. (2003). Child Labour and the Organisation of Production. In: Child Labour in Britain, 1750–1870. Social History in Perspective. Palgrave, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-0-230-80249-0_4
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