Abstract
The twelve essays in this impressively crafted volume cohere strongly around a particular set of approaches to the spatial aspects of Nazi Germany’s expansionist drive, with its binary ambitions both to recast the social order ‘at home’ and to remap the ethno-cultural geographies and territorial sovereignties of Europe as a whole. Of course, in the throes of such a drive, the very meanings of ‘home’ itself — its cultural coordinates, its political geographies, its existential borders and their entailments — would be thrown inevitably into flux, as most of the contributors explicitly point out, so that one of this book’s signal achievements is to illuminate exactly that process. Perhaps the strongest consensus in Third Reich historiography at large still accepts the inherence of expansionism at Nazism’s essential core, seeing the drive for a‘new order’ as inscribed in the regime’s dynamism from its beginning. Consistent with that now well-established pattern of interpretation, moreover, these essays focus overwhelmingly on the war years themselves rather than the earlier contexts of the regime’s consolidation in 1933–1936. Only two, those by Detlef Schmiechen-Ackermann and Martina Steber, are devoted mainly to the regime’s peacetime histories.1
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See William Sheridan Allen, The Nazi Seizure of Power: The Experience of a Single German Town, 1922–1945 (New York, 1984)
Jeremy Noakes, The Nazi Party in Lower Saxony, 1921–1933 (Oxford, 1971)
Edward N. Peterson, The Limits ofHitler’s Power (Princeton, 1969).
Mark Mazower, Hitler’s Empire: How the Nazis Ruled Europe (New York, 2008)
Shelley Baranowski, Nazi Empire: German Colonialism and Imperialism from Bismarck to Hitler (Cambridge, 2011).
Volker Langbehn and Mohammad Salama (eds.), German Colonialism: Race, the Holocaust, and Postwar Germany (New York, 2011)
Michael Perraudin and Jürgen Zimmerer (eds.), German Colonialism and National Identity (London, 2011)
A. Dirk Moses and Dan Stone (eds.), Colonialism and Genocide (London, 2007), especially Jürgen Zimmerer, ‘The Birth of the Ostland Out of the Spirit of Colonialism: A Postcolonial Perspective on the Nazi policy of Conquest and Extermination’, 101–123.
Birthe Kundrus, ‘Kontinuitäten, Parallelen, Rezeptionen. Überlegungen zur “Kolonisierung” des Nationalsozialismus’, WerkstattGeschichte, 43 (2006), 45–62
Dirk van Laak, Imperiale Infrastruktur. Deutsche Planungen für eine ErschließungAfrikas 1880 bis 1960 (Paderborn, 2004).
The latter phrase is taken from the subtitle of Krista O’Donnell et al. (eds.), The HeimatAbroad: The Boundaries of Germanness (Ann Arbor, MI, 2005).
Sebastian Conrad, Globalisation and the Nation in Imperial Germany (Cambridge, 2010)
Andrew Zimmerman, Anthropology and Antihumanism in Imperial Germany (Chicago, 2001)
Andrew Zimmerman, Alabama in Africa: Booker T. Washington, the German Empire, and the Globalization of the New South (Princeton, 2010)
H. Glenn Penny and Matti Bunzl (eds.), Worldly Provincialism: German Anthropology in the Age of Empire (Ann Arbor, MI, 2003).
Jennifer Jenkins, ‘Locating Germany’, German History, 29 (1) (2011), 108–126
Bradley Naranch et al., ‘Asia, Germany and the Transnational Turn’, German History, 28 (4) (2010), 515–536.
Hans-Ulrich Wehler, Bismarck und der Imperialismus (Cologne, 1969), 112–142, 423–453
Willfried Spohn, Weltmarktkonkurrenz und IndustrialisierungDeutschlands 1870–1914 (Berlin, 1977)
Cornelius Torp, Die Herausforderung der Globalisierung: Wirtschaft und Politik in Deutschland 1860–1914 (Göttingen, 2005); Conrad, Globalisation and the Nation, 27–76.
See here Geoff Eley, ‘Social Imperialism in Germany: Reformist Synthesis or Reactionary Sleight of Hand?’, in Geoff Eley (ed.), From Unification to Nazism: Reinterpreting the German Past (London, 1986), 154–167.
See especially David Ciarlo, Advertising Empire, Consuming Race: Colonialism and Visual Culture, 1887–1914 (Cambridge, 2010)
Volker M. Langbehn (ed.), German Colonialism, Visual Culture, and Modern Memory (London, 2010).
The reference here is to Reinhart Koselleck, ‘“Space of Experience” and “Horizon of Expectation”: Two Historical Categories’, in Reinhart Koselleck (ed.), Futures Past: On the Semantics of Historical Time (Cambridge, 1985), 255–276.
Peter Walkenhorst, Nation—Volk—Rasse: Radikaler Nationalismus im Deutschen Kaiserreich 1890–1914 (Göttingen, 2007), 128–149.
Ibid., 115. See Daniel Frymann (Heinrich Clap), Wenn ich der Kaiser wär: Politische Wahrheiten und Notwendigkieiten (Leipzig, 1912). For my thinking about the Pan-Germans I’m heavily indebted to several unpublished papers by Dennis Sweeney, including ‘The Racial Economy of Weltpolitik: Imperialist Expansion, Domestic Reform, and War in Pan-German Ideology, 1894–1918.’
Vejas Gabriel Liulevicius, War Land on the Eastern Front: Culture, National Identity, and German Occupation in World War I (Cambridge, 2000), 54f.
Andreas Hillgruber, Germany and the Two World Wars (Cambridge, 1981), 45f.
John G. Williamson, Karl Helfferich 1872–1924: Economist, Financier, Politician (Princeton, 1971), 267.
It was a horrifying sight, these villages, deserted, half-burned out and haunted by hungry crows, in which only on occasion, out of a stark, barricaded house with blind, covered windows, from a disgusting door crack would lean out a sad figure, wasted down to bones, which in terrible greeting would vomit on the doorstep and then immediately crawl back into the darkness of these unhealthy, forbidden houses.’ See Bernhard von der Marwitz, Stirb und Werde. Aus Briefen und Kriegstageesbuchblättern des Leutnants Bernhard von der Marwitz (Brelau, 1931), quoted by Liulevicius, War Land, 42.
Victor Klemperer, Curriculum Vitae. Erinnerungen, 1881–1918 (Berlin, 1996), 467, quoted by Liulevicius, War Land, 46.
The Freikorps were originally raised under the authority of SPD Defense Minister Gustav Noske in early January 1919 to assist in suppressing the radical Left. They were then deployed for sundry other purposes, including the shielding of troops during evacuation from the East and the protection of Germans in border conflicts, while effectively becoming feral. Most notoriously, they were enlisted for German interests in the Baltic. The German Baltic Plenipotentiary from October 1918, rightwing Social Democrat August Winnig (1878–1956), contracted with the Latvian government on 29 December 1918 to raise a German volunteer army, the Baltische Landwehr, granting Latvian citizenship to anyone serving for at least four weeks. Winnig also angled without success for land grants for German settlers. Officially recalled to Germany in July 1919, the Baltic units mutinied into a 14,000-strong German legion. Parasitic on the land, they kept up a ferociously predatory presence in the region, clutching fantasies of a German military redoubt, until finally expelled from Lithuania in December 1919. See Robert G. L. Waite, Vanguard of Nazism: The Free Corps Movement in Postwar Germany 1918–1923 (Cambridge, MA, 1952), 94–139
Friedrich Wilhelm Heinz, ‘Der deutsche Vorstoß in das Balitkum’, in Curt Hötzel (ed.), Deutscher Austand: Die Revolution des Nachkrieges (Stuttgart, 1934), 47, quoted by Liulevicius, War Land, 233.
Paul Julian Weindling, Epidemics and Genocide in Eastern Europe, 1890–1945 (Oxford, 2000), 153, 176, 152.
We National Socialists consciously draw a line beneath the foreign policy of our pre-war period. We take up where we broke off 600 years ago. We stop the endless German movement to the south and west, and turn our gaze to the East. At long last we break off the colonial and commercial policy of the prewar period and shift to the soil policy of the future.’ See Adolf Hitler, Mein Kampf (Boston, MA, 1971), 656
Wendy Lower, ‘Hitler’s “Garden of Eden” in Ukraine: Nazi Colonialism, Volksdeutsche, and the Holocaust, 1941–1944’, in Jonathan Petropoulos and John K. Roth (eds.), Gray Zones: Ambiguity and Compromise in the Holocaust and its Aftermath (New York, 2005), 185–204, here 189.
Robert L. Nelson, ‘Introduction: Colonialism in Europe? The Case against Salt Water’, in Robert L. Nelson (ed.), Germans, Poland, and Colonial Expansion to the East: 1850 Through the Present (New York, 2009), 1–9, here 4.
Gregor Thum (ed.), Traumland Osten: Deutsche Bilder vom östlichen Europa im 20. Jahrhundert (Göttingen, 2006)
Vejas Gabriel Liulevicius, The German Myth of the East: 1800 to the Present (Oxford, 2009).
Wendy Lower, Nazi Empire-Building and the Holocaust in Ukraine (Chapel Hill, NC, 2005)
David Farber and Wendy Lower, ‘Colonialism and Genocide in Nazi-Occupied Poland and Ukraine’, in A. Dirk Moses (ed.), Empire, Colony, Genocide: Conquest, Occupation, and Subaltern Resistance in World History (New York, 2008), 372–400; Lower, ‘Hitler’s “Garden of Eden” in Ukraine’.
See Michael Thad Allen, The Business of Genocide: The SS, Slave Labor, and the Concentration Camps (Chapel Hill, NC, 2002)
Isabel Heinemann, “Rasse, Siedlung, deutsches Blut”: Das Rasse- und Siedlungshauptamt der SS und die rassenpolitische Neuordnung Europas (Göttingen, 2003)
Karin Orth, Die Konzentrationslager-SS. Sozialstrukturelle Analysen und biographische Studien (Göttingen, 2000)
Michael Wildt, An Uncompromising Generation: The Nazi Leadership of the Reich Security Main Office (Madison, WI, 2009).
See in particular Peter Longerich, Holocaust: The Nazi Persecution and Murder of the Jews (Oxford, 2010)
Peter Longerich, The Unwritten Order: Hitler’s Role in the Final Solution (Stroud, 2001)
Dieter Pohl, Nationalsozialistische Judenverfolgung in Ostgalizien 1941–1944: Die Organisierung und Durchführung eines staatlichen Massenverbrechens (Munich, 1996)
Thomas Sandkühler, “Endlösung” in Galizien: Der Judenmord in Ostpolen und die Rettungsinitiativen von Berthold Beitz, 1941–1944 (Bonn, 1996)
Walter Manoschek, “Serbien ist Judenfrei.” Militärbesatzungspolitik und Judenvernichtung in Serbien 1941/2 (Munich, 1993)
Christian Gerlach, Kalkulierte Morde. Die deutsche Wirtschafts- und Vernichtungspolitik in Weißrussland 1941 bis 1944 (Hamburg, 1999)
Christoph Dieckmann, Deutsche Besatzungspolitik in Litauen 1941–1944 (Göttingen, 2011)
Andrej Angrick, The “Final Solution” in Riga:Exploitation and Annihilation, 1941–1944 (New York, 2009).
Ulrich Herbert (ed.), National Socialist Extermination Policies: Contemporary German Perspectives and Controversies (New York, 2000)
Wolf Gruner and Joerg Osterloh (eds.), Das “Groβdeutsche Reich” und die Juden.: Nationalsozialistische Verfolgung in den “angegliederten” Gebieten (Frankfurt/Main, 2010).
Ulrich Herbert, Best: Biographische Studien über Radikalismus, Weltanschauung und Vernunft, 1903–1989 (Bonn, 1996).
David Blackbourn, The Conquest of Nature: Water, Landscape, and the making of Modern Germany (New York, 2006), chapter five: ‘Race and Reclamation: National Socialism in Germany and Europe’, 251–309.
The diversity of radical nationalist projections of eastward expansion may be approached via the following: Woodruff D. Smith, The Ideological Origins of Nazi Imperialism (New York, 1986)
Michael Burleigh, Germany Turns Eastwards: A Study of Ostforschungin the Third Reich (Cambridge, 1988)
Ingo Haar and Michael Fahlbusch (eds.), German Scholars and Ethnic Cleansing, 1919–1945 (New York, 2005)
Mark Bassin, ‘Race contra Space: The Conflict Between German Geopolitik and National Socialism’, Political Geography Quarterly, 6 (2) (1987), 115–134
Mark Bassin, ‘Imperialism and the Nation State in Friedrich Ratzel’s Political Geography’, Progress in Human Geography, 11 (1987), 473–495
Henning Heske, ‘Karl Haushofer: His Role in German Geopolitics and in Nazi Politics’, Political Geography Quarterly, 6 (2) (1987), 135–144
David T. Murphy, The Heroic Earth: Geopolitical Thought in Weimar Germany, 1918–1933 (Kent, OH, 1997)
Irene Stoehr, ‘Von Max Sering zu Konrad Meyer-ein “machtergreifender” Generationswechsel in der Agrar- und Siedlungswissenschaft’, in Suzanne Heim (ed.), Autarkie und Ostexpansion. Pflanzenzucht und Agrarforschung im Nationalsozialismus (Göttingen, 2002), 57–90
Geoffrey Stoakes, Hitler and the Quest for World Domination: Nazi Ideology and Foreign Policy in the 1920s (Leamington Spa, 1986)
Stefan Frech, Wegbereiter Hitlers? Theodor Reismann-Grone. Ein völkischer Nationalist (1863–1949) (Paderborn, 2009), 318–412.
In developing this argument I am grateful to Gerhard Wolf for a number of clarifying conversations. See also now Catherine Epstein, Model Nazi: Arthur Greiser and the Occupation of Western Poland (Oxford, 2010).
See here Elizabeth Harvey’s excellent Women and the Nazi East: Agents and Witnesses of Germanization (New Haven, CT, 2003). As she shows, the effort at implanting a ‘German culture’ in the occupied East entailed not only the population policies of uprooting and mass murder, resettlement and dispossession, together with the usual machinery of language policies, schooling, and the celebration of an invented customary culture. But Germanization also embraced a wider programme of housewifery, domestic hygiene and orderly family life, for which the generations of girls and young women socialized during the 1930s provided the necessary cadres of teachers, social workers, instructors in domestic science and mothercraft, volunteers, and role models.
Thomas M. Lekan, Imagining the Nation in Nature: Landscape Preservation and German Identity, 1885–1945 (Cambridge, MA, 2004), 250.
See Henri Lefebvre, The Production of Space (Oxford, 1991), and State, Space, World: Selected Essays (Minneapolis, MN, 2009)
Rob Shields, Lefebvre, Love and Struggle: Spatial Dialectics (London, 1999), 141–185
David Harvey, The Urban Experience (Baltimore, MD, 1989)
David Harvey, Justice, Nature and the Geography of Difference (Oxford, 1997), 207–328
David Harvey, The Condition of Postmodernity: An Enquiry into the Origins of Cultural Change (Oxford, 1991)
David Harvey, ‘Reinventing Geography’, New Left Review, Second Series, 4 (July–August 2000), 75–97
Raymond Williams, The Country and the City (New York, 1975).
For guidance in the intellectual landscape of cultural geography I’m indebted to Jessica Dubow. Classic points of departure were Yi-Fu Tuan, Space and Place: The Perspective of Experience (Minneapolis, MN, 1977)
Denis Cosgrove, Social Formation and Symbolic Landscape (Madison, WI, 1998)
Denis Cosgrove, ‘Towards a Radical Cultural Geography’, Antipode, 15 (1) (1983), 1–11
Stephen Daniels (eds.), The Iconography of Landscape: Essays on the Symbolic Representation, Design, and Use of Past Environments (Cambridge, 1989).
Derek Gregory, Geographical Imagination (New York, 1991)
Steve Pile and Nigel Thrift (eds.), Mapping the Subject: Geographies of Cultural Transformation (London, 1995)
Nigel Thrift, Spatial Formations (London, 1996)
Denis Cosgrove (ed.), Mappings (London, 1999)
Stephen Harrison et al. (eds.), Patterned Ground: Entanglements of Nature and Culture (London, 2004)
Doreen Massey, For Space (London, 2005).
Tim Cresswell, In Place/Out of Place: Geography, Ideology, and Transgression (Minneapolis, MN, 1996), and Place: A Short Introduction (Oxford, 2004)
Mike Crang and Thrift (eds.), Thinking Space (London, 2000).
David Blackbourn and James Retallack (eds.), Localism, Landscape, and the Ambiguities of Place: German-Speaking Central Europe, 1860–1930 (Toronto, ON, 2007).
Discussion was pioneered by Celia Applegate, A Nation of Provincials: The German Idea of Heimat (Berkeley, CA, 1990)
Alon Confino, The Nation as a Local Metaphor: Württemberg, Imperial Germany, and National Memory, 1871–1918 (Chapel Hill, NC, 1997)
Jennifer Jenkins, Provincial Modernity: Local Culture and Liberal Politics in Fin de Siècle Hamburg (Ithaca, NY, 2002)
Johannes von Moltke, No Place Like Home: Locations of Heimat in German Cinema (Berkeley, CA, 2005).
Maiken Umbach, ‘The Vernacular International: Heimat, Modernism, and the Global Market in Early Twentieth-Century Germany’, National Identities, 4 (1) (2002), 45–68
Celia Applegate, ‘The Mediated Nation: Regions, Readers, and the German Past’, in James Retallack (ed.), Saxony in German History: Culture, Society, and Politics, 1830–1933 (Ann Arbor, MI, 2000), 33–50
Celia Applegate ‘A Europe of Regions: Reflections on the Historiography of Subnational Places in Modern Times’, American Historical Review, 104 (4) (1999),1157–1182.
For further reflections, Geoff Eley, ‘How and Where is German History Centered?’ in Neil Gregor et al. (eds.), German History from the Margins (Bloomington, IN, 2006), 268–286.
A. Dirk Moses, ‘Redemptive Antisemitism and the Imperialist Imaginary’, in Christian Wiese and Paul Betts (eds.), Years of Persecution, Years of Extermination: Saul Friedländer and the Future of Holocaust Studies (London, 2010), 233–254
Cornelius Castoriadis, The Imaginary Institution of Society (Cambridge, 1987)
Marcel van der Linden, ‘Socialisme ou Barbarie: A French Revolutionary Group (1949–1965). Cornelius Castoriadis, 11 March 1922–1926 December 1997)’, Left History, 5 (1) (Spring 1997), 7–37.
Charles Taylor, ‘Modern Social Imaginaries’, Public Culture, 14 (1) (Winter 2002), 91–124, here 106
Charles Taylor, ‘What is a “Social Imaginary?”’, in Charles Taylor (ed.), Modern Social Imaginaries (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2004), 23–30.
Moses, ‘Redemptive Antisemitism’, 237. My own thinking about the ‘imaginary’ is indebted to long-running conversations with my late friend Keith Nield, and more recently with Dirk Moses. See also Geoff Eley, ‘Imperial Imaginary, Colonial Effect: Writing the Colony and the Metropole Together’, in Catherine Hall and Keith McClelland (eds.), Race, Nation and Empire: Making Histories, 1750 to the Present (Manchester, 2010), 217–236.
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Eley, G. (2012). Commentary. In: Szejnmann, CC.W., Umbach, M. (eds) Heimat, Region, and Empire. The Holocaust and Its Contexts. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-0-230-39111-6_14
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