8. Concluding Remarks
Ferguson’s account of progress and corruption is noteworthy because he synthesises traditional aetiologies of retrogression with causes novel to a commercialising age, thereby signalling the first tremors of a paradigm shift in the study of social life. The impressions of actual modern conditions are combined with a classical perspective to produce an original outlook on modernity.
Ferguson’s treatment of corruption shows him attempting to steer a course between Stoic austerity and a more modern embrace of progress. There are moments where his navigation falters, causing him to seem inconsistent and even confused. Specifically, while he denies the moral dimension of luxury and decrees social and technical progress to be inevitable and positive, he frequently assumes an, apparently unconscious, primitivistic asceticism. Similarly, his policy on militias jars against his general view of progress and seems arbitrary. Nevertheless, the discussion is replete with many prescient, sometimes brilliant insights, some of which anticipated and influenced nineteenth and twentieth century sociology. He provided the first penetrating analysis of the social effects of commercial expansion, bureaucratisation and specialisation and although there is no fully developed critique of ‘capitalism’ inside his analysis, there are clear intimations of an embryonic (albeit purely descriptive rather than normative) theory of alienation and anomie effects. Ferguson also provides one of the earliest accounts of the negative impact of consumerism on friendship and political life and the importance of social capital and political efficacy in the maintenance of strong polities.
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References
Kettler, Social and Political Thought of Adam Ferguson, pp. 8–9.
See Hirschman, Passions and Interests, p.120; Lehmann, Adam Ferguson, pp. 154–5; Bryson,’ some Eighteenth Century Conceptions of Society’, p. 421 and Horne, ‘Envy and Commercial Society’, pp. 552–3.
Essay, p. 178.
Essay, p. 208.
Pocock, ‘Between Machiavelli and Hume’, pp.153–69, p. 162.
Brewer, ‘Adam Ferguson and the Theme of Exploitation’, p. 465. According to Brewer, ‘Ferguson’s account of the decline of the Roman empire...influenced Gibbon’s more famous study’. Adam Ferguson and the Division of Labour’, p. 15. For Marx’s reference to Ferguson see K. Marx, Capital, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1977, 3 Vols, Vol. 1, pp. 334, 341–2; The Poverty of Philosophy, International Publishers, New York: 1969, p. 129–30. For further discussion on the Marx/Ferguson link see Lehmann, ‘Review’, p.169; Meek, ‘The Scottish Contribution to Marxist Sociology’; R. Bendix, ‘Mandate to Rule, An Introduction’, Social Forces, Vol. 55 (2), 1976, pp. 252–3; E. Garnsey, ‘The Rediscovery of the Division of Labour’, Theory and Society, Vol. 10, 1981, pp. 337–58, p. 341; Hamowy, ‘Adam Smith, Adam Ferguson and the Division of Labour7rs and Ballestrem,’ sources of the Materialist Conception of History’, pp. 3–9.
Forbes, ‘Introduction’ to Essay, p. xxxi.
Brewer, ‘Adam Ferguson and the Theme of Exploitation’, p. 473.
Gellner, ‘Adam Ferguson and the Surprising Robustness of Civil Society’, p. 119.
Strasser, The Normative Structure of Sociology, p. 53.
Camic, Experience and Enlightenment, p. 95.
For example, after travelling through Manchester and Birmingham he reported how impressed he was by the level of industrial development. Letter to John Douglas July 21, 1781, Correspondence, No. 198,II, pp. 267–8.
Strasser, The Normative Structure of Sociology, p. 53.
Brewer, “Adam Ferguson and the Division of Labour”, p. 24.
‘Population growth in Scotland’s five main cities between 1755 and 1175 was three times the national average’. Brewer, ‘Adam Ferguson and the Division of Labour’, p. 25.
These changes became fully realised by the nineteenth century. Joseph Mahon, ‘Engels and the Question about Cities’, History of European Ideas, Vol. 3(1), 1982, pp. 43–77, pp. 43–4.
Brewer, ‘Adam Ferguson and the Division of Labour’, pp. 24–5; See also C.P. Kindleberger, ‘The Historical Background: Adam Smith and the Industrial Revolution’, in T. Wilson and A. Skinner (eds), The Market and the State, Oxford University Press, 1976, p. 24.
Passmore, The Perfectibility of Man, p. 198.
Whitney, Primitivism and the Idea of Progress, p. 43.
E.R. Dodds, The Ancient Concept of Progress, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1985, pp. 25–30.
Though Ferguson does admit that corruption can also take place in nations neither prosperous nor advanced. Essay, p. 229.
History, pp. 169–70.
Sher, Church and University, p. 201; P.I., p. 238.
Rome is ‘a signal example of the vicissitudes to which prosperous nations are exposed...To know it well is to know mankind’. History, pp. 1–2.
Peter Burke, ‘Tradition and Experience: The Idea of Decline from Bruni to Gibbon’, Daedelus, Vol. 105,Summer, 1976, pp. 137–52, p. 145. Dodds makes the same observation. Ancient Concept of Progress, p. 25.
Pocock, Machiavellian Moment, p. 462.
Jean Willke, Historical Thought of Adam Ferguson, p. 170. According to Addison Ward: ‘The special relevance of Roman history for England arose from the observation that both countries had “mixed” government, composed of monarchical, aristocratic, and popular elements, whose balance assured a maximum both of stability and personal liberty’. ‘Tory View of Roman History’, p. 418.
Robert L. Heilbroner, ‘The Paradox of Progress: Decline and Decay in the Wealth of Nations’ Journal of the History of Ideas, Vol. 34(2) 1973, pp. 243–262, p. 243. By contrast, Pocock suggests that Smith did not share Ferguson’s gloom about the commercial age. Pocock, ‘Between Machiavelli and Hume’, p. 162.
Essay, p. 247.
Essay, pp. 197–8.
Polybius, Rise of the Roman Empire, 6.57. p. 350.
Essay, p. 264. ‘[N]ational spirit is frequently transient, not on account of any incurable distemper in the nature of mankind, but on account of their voluntary neglects and corruptions’. Essay, p. 212. See also History, pp. 305–6.
The term also started to become synonymous with bribery during this period and eventually this latter, exclusively monetary, meaning replaced the Machiavellian meaning. Hirschman, Passions and Interests, p. 40.
S. M. Shumer, ‘Machiavelli; Republican Politics and Its Corruption’, Political Theory, Vol. 7(1), 1979, pp. 5–34, p. 9.
Essay, p. 200.
P.II., p. 509.
See, for example, letter to William Pulteney, 1 December, 1769, Correspondence, No. 57, I, p. 88.
Essay, p. 260.
History, pp. 169–70 Ferguson explains elsewhere that, although these beliefs were not truly representative of Epicureanism, the vulgar, hedonistic understanding of Epicureanism was generally adopted. Institutes, pp. 138–40.
History, p. 170.
Population size was commonly used as a measure of national wealth in the eighteenth century. Ann Firth, ‘Moral Supervision and Autonomous Social Order: Wages and Consumption in Eighteenth Century Economic Thought’, History of the Human Sciences, Vol. 15(1), pp. 39–57, p. 44. Smith asserted that ‘the most decisive mark of the prosperity of any country is the increase in the number of inhabitants’. WN. I. Viii. 23. pp. 87–8.
Essay, p. 62. Rousseau took a similar line, arguing that ‘it is better to count on the vigour which comes of good government than on the resources a great territory furnishes’. But it should also be noted that Rousseau thought that the’ surest sign’ of a well-governed state was population growth. Social Contract, p. 221.
For a discussion of the validity of this belief see Shaw, The Political History of Eighteenth Century Scotland, pp. 1–17.
Shaw, The Political History of Eighteenth Century Scotland, p. 1.
P.II., p. 509.
WN. V. i. f. 50, p. 782.
Essay, p. 60.
Though only in a precursory sense. Liberalism and laissez-faire did not become fully conflated until the nineteenth century. Zaret, ‘From Political Philosophy to Social Theory’, p. 159.
Essay, p. 257. Montesquieu and Gibbon both linked the decline of empires to over extension. Burke, ‘The Idea of Decline from Bruni to Gibbon’, p. 146. Hume also disapproved of ‘extensive conquests’, asserting that aggressive expansionism ‘must be the ruin of every free government’. Hume, ‘Idea of a Perfect Commonwealth’, Essays, p. 529. Smith seems to have had a similar attitude. Dalphy I. Fagerstrom,’ scottish Opinion and the American Revolution’, The William and Mary Quarterly, Vol. 11 (2), 1954, pp. 252–75, p. 259.
Forbes, ‘Adam Ferguson and the Idea of Community’, p. 43.
Essay, p. 104.
Essay, pp. 84–94. Contemporary sources included accounts of life among the indigenous peoples of North America by Lafitau, Charlevoix and Colden.
Essay, p. 24. See also P.II., pp. 376–7.
Institutes, pp. 243–4.
Dodds, The Ancient Concept of Progress, p. 17.
Reflections, p. 19. Even so, Ferguson also accepted the naturalness of progress and held that the good life was still possible in large-scale societies provided that virtue was consciously cultivated. To be discussed further.
Mahon, ‘Engels and the Question about Cities’, passim.
Essay, p. 262.
Jacqueline De Romilly, Thucydides and Athenian Imperialism, Translated by Philis Thody, New York: Arno Press, 1979, pp. 322–4. See Essay. p. 142, where Ferguson cites Thucydides as an authority on the subject of foreign conquests.
Essay, pp. 214–15.
Institutes, pp. 243–4.
Essay, p. 60. Rousseau made the same argument, giving reasons almost identical to those cited by Ferguson. Rousseau, Social Contract, pp. 219–20.
Institutes, p. 243.
Essay, pp. 256–7. Montesquieu, Laws, 1. 8. 19, p. 126.
Political efficacy is a modern term that refers to a ‘person’s belief that political and social change can be effected or retarded and that [her/]his efforts, alone or in concert with others can produce desired behaviour on the part of political authorities’. K. Prewitt, ‘Political Efficacy’, International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, Vol. 12, London: MacMillan, 1968, p. 225.
In Rousseau’s list of the disadvantages of imperialism, he argues that these demobilisation effects are actually intentional rather than incidental by-products of over-extension. He thought that the real motive for conquest was not ‘to aggrandise the Nation’ but rather to ‘increase the authority of rulers at home’ and divert the minds of citizens from home affairs. Rousseau, A Discourse on Political Economy, in Social Contract and Discourses, p. 157.
P.II., pp. 500–1. Ferguson’s critique of imperialism does not conflict with his views on the positive effects of war, as might be thought, because his arguments on the latter topic generally apply to communities intent on self-defence. Violence against neighbours is only defensible in the context of necessity.
P.II., p. 501.
P.I., p. 34.
Institutes, p. 22. See also P.I., p. 34.
Essay, p. 257. ‘[F]ree nations, under the shew of acquiring dominion, suffer themselves, in the end, to be yoked with the slaves they had conquered’. Essay, p. 62.
In a similar vein Rousseau had written that it is a certainty ‘that no peoples are so oppressed and wretched as conquering nations’. A Discourse on Political Economy, in Social Contract and Discourses, p. 157.
History, p. 217.
History, pp. 70, 77–80, 98, 309, 350, 360, 391, 405.
De Romilly, Thucydides and Athenian Imperialism, pp. 315–19. Like Ferguson, Thucydides also lists rule by force, hatred of rulers, neglect of domestic concerns, and unprofitability as negatives of imperialism.
P.I., pp. 34–5.
Essay, pp. 261–4.
History, p. 5. Curiously, though, when confronted with concrete examples like those of America and Ireland, Ferguson’s declamations are abandoned for the sake of what appears to be political expediency. See Chapter 12 for a more complete discussion of this point.
Gay, The Enlightenment, Vol. II, pp. 342–3. See also Brewer ‘Adam Ferguson and the Division of Labour’, passim.
A. Swingewood, A Short History of Sociological Thought, London: Macmillan, 1984, p. 23.
Lehmann, Adam Ferguson, p. 187.
Marx, The Poverty of Philosophy, pp. 129–30; Capital, I, pp. 334, 341–2.
Essay, pp. 206–7.
As noticed by Kettler. Social and Political Thought of Adam Ferguson, pp. 8–9.
See, for example, Of the Separation of Departments’, Collection of Essays, No. 15, passim.; Hamowy, ‘Progress and Commerce’, p. 87.
Marx credits Ferguson with the idea of worker alienation and suggests that Smith took the idea from Ferguson. But he was unaware that Smith discussed the topic in his Glasgow Lectures before the Essay was published. However it is possible ‘that Ferguson suggested the theme in the first place’. Forbes, Introduction to Essay, p. xxxi. The subject is a vexed one and Smith and Ferguson are thought to have become embroiled in a priority controversy over it. For further details see: See Amoh, ‘Adam Ferguson and the Division of Labour’; Hamowy, ‘Division of Labour’; H. Mizuta, ‘Two Adams in the Scottish Enlightenment’, Studies on Voltaire and the Eighteenth Century, Vol. 191, 1981, pp. 812–19; Dickey, ‘Historicising the Adam Smith Problem’, p. 591; Kettler, Social and Political Thought of Adam Ferguson, p. 74.
See Smith, WN. V.i, passim.
Smith, LJ (A) vi. 46–49, pp. 348–49; WN. I.ii.1–3, pp. 25–7.
Essay, pp. 174–5, 206–7.
Essay, p. 174.
Gellner, Conditions of Liberty, p. 80.
Institutes, p. 22.
Essay, pp. 206–7.
Essay, p. 207.
Essay, p.208.
Essay, p.231.
See Marx, Capital, I., p. 334.
Essay, p. 178.
As first noticed by John Brewer. Brewer, ‘The Scottish Enlightenment’, pp. 15–23 who draws our attention to the above examples.
Essay, p. 151.
Essay, p. 175.
Essay, p. 177.
‘Of the Separation of Departments’, Collection of Essays, No. 15, p. 142.
Essay, p. 179.
Essay, pp. 63–4. Yet Ferguson shows signs of real ambivalence here. Some occupations are so debasing that Ferguson is moved to comment that ‘the less there is of this sort, the better...subordination however valuable is too dearly bought by the debasement of any order or class of the people’. ‘Of the Separation of Departments’, Collection of Essays, No. 15, pp. 142–3.
To quote Norbert Waszek. ‘Division of Labour’, p. 56.
Essay, p. 177. Ferguson notes that: ‘Property, in the common course of human affairs, is unequally divided: we are therefore obliged to suffer the wealthy to squander, that the poor may subsist; we are obliged to tolerate certain orders of men, who are above the necessity of labour, in order that, in their condition, there may be an object of ambition, and a rank to which the busy aspire’. Essay, p. 225. The only regime under which equality of wealth is appropriate is a democratic one: ‘in such only it has been admitted with any degree of effect’. Essay, p. 151.
P.I., p. 251.
Ibn Kaldhoun (of whose work Ferguson seems to have been unaware) had also argued much earlier that the delegation of security to specialists leads to a politically and militarily weakened state. Gellner, ‘Adam Ferguson and the Surprising Robustness of Civil Society’, p. 121. Rousseau’s observations on the same topic are also closely reiterated. Rousseau, ‘Discourse on the Moral Effects of the Arts and Sciences’, in Social Contract and Discourses, p. 20.
Robertson, The Scottish Enlightenment and the Militia Issue, pp. 1–5.
Smith, The Political Philosophy of Adam Ferguson, pp. 19, 11.
Robertson, The Scottish Enlightenment and the Militia Issue, p. 7.
Whereas he vigorously campaigned for a Scottish Militia Ferguson was more complacent about the’ shift of politics to London’. Smith, The Political Philosophy of Adam Ferguson, pp. 19–20.
Willke, The Historical Thought of Adam Ferguson, p. 148. The theme of the standing army as an instrument of corruption is also present in the writings of Shaftesbury, another of Ferguson’s sources. F.. J. McLynn, ‘The Ideology of Jacobitism — Part II’, History of European Ideas, Vol. 6 (2), 1985, pp. 173–88, p. 179.
Essay, p. 218. Forbes, ‘Adam Ferguson and the Idea of Community’, p. 45.
‘Of the Separation of Departments’, Collection of Essays, No. 15, p. 148.
Sher, ‘Problem of National Defense’, pp. 258–65
Fagg, Biographical Introduction, p. xxxiv.
Hamowy, Social and Political Philosophy of Adam Ferguson, p. 198.
Sher, ‘Problem of National Defense’, p. 259. See also Ferguson, Biographical Sketch or Memoir of Lieutenant-Colonel Patrick Ferguson Originally Intended for the British Encyclopedia, Edinburgh: Printed by John Moir, 1816, p.10.
The latter also produced a widely read pro-militia pamphlet. It was entitled: The Question Relating to a Scots Militia Considered (1760) and was edited by Ferguson and William Robertson. Sher, Church and University, p. 225.
Ferguson, Reflections, p. 12.
History, pp. 183, 348, 399; Reflections, passim.
Essay, p. 149.
Phillipson, in Hont and Ignatieff (eds.), Wealth and Virtue, p.181. The textual evidence certainly supports this view. See Smith WN. V.i.f–g. p. 788.
Sher, ‘Problem of National Defense’, p. 267 and passim.
Smith’s views on this topic were more complex than Ferguson’s perception because in later passages of Book V of the Wealth of Nations Smith qualifies his position thus: ‘That in the progress of improvement the practice of military exercises, unless government takes proper pains to support it, goes gradually to decay, and together with it, the martial spirit of the great body of the people, the example of modern Europe sufficiently demonstrates. But the security of every society must always depend, more or less, on the martial spirit of the great body of people. In the present times, indeed, that martial spirit alone, and unsupported by a well-disciplined standing army, would not perhaps, be sufficient for the defence and security of any society. But where every citizen had the spirit of a soldier, a smaller standing army would surely be requisite. That spirit besides, would necessarily diminish very much the dangers to liberty, whether real or imaginary, which are commonly apprehended from a standing army. As it would very much facilitate the operations of that standing army against a foreign invader, so it would obstruct them as much if unfortunately they should ever be directed against the constitution of the state’. WN. V. i. f. 59, pp. 786–7. Furthermore, in his response to Alexander Carlyle’s attack on his views Smith wrote to Andreas Holt: ‘When he wrote this book, he had not read mine to the end. He fancies that because I insist that a Militia is in all cases inferior to a well-regulated and well-disciplined standing Army, I disapprove of Militias altogether. With regard to that subject, he and I happened to be precisely of the same opinion’. Adam Smith, The Correspondence of Adam Smith, Mossner, E.C., and Ross, I.S., (eds), Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987, Letter 208, October 26 1780, p. 251. Nevertheless, Smith insistence on the technical superiority of standing armies was a genuine point of disagreement with Ferguson. For a more detailed discussion on the relationship of the two Adams here see Sher, ‘Problem of National Defense’, pp. 240–268.
Mizuta, ‘Two Adams in the Scottish Enlightenment’, p. 815.
Smith WN. V.i.a.22–41, pp. 699–707. Smith did, however, concede with Ferguson that the standing armies of the Roman republic and Cromwell were pernicious but insisted that under ideal conditions, that is, where ‘the sovereign is himself the general...a standing army can never be dangerous to liberty. On the contrary, in some cases it may be favourable to liberty’. WN., Vi.a.41, pp. 706–7.
Adam Ferguson in a letter to Adam Smith, April 18, 1776. Correspondence of Adam Smith, pp. 193–4.
P.II., p. 492.
Essay, p. 138. See also P.I., p. 302 and Essay, pp. 242–3.
Willke, The Historical Thought of Adam Ferguson, pp. 2–3.
Polybius, Rise of the Roman Empire, 6.52. p. 346. Identically, Machiavelli argued that ‘the reason why mercenary troops are useless’ is that ‘they have no cause to stand firm when attacked, apart from the small pay which you give them’. Therefore the only way to keep the state intact is ‘to arm oneself with one’s own subjects’. Machiavelli, Discourses, I. 43. p. 218. See also Machiavellli, ‘The Citizen Army’, The Art of War, in The Chief Works and Others; Vol. II, Allan Gibert (ed.), Durham, North Carolina: Duke University Press, 1965, pp. 579–87.
History, pp. 28–32, 104, 127, 288, and Reflections, passim.
Machiavelli, The Prince, 12. pp. 77–9.
Adam Ferguson’s unpublished moral philosophy lecture notes dated April 9, 1776, quoted in Sher, ‘Problem of National Defense’, p. 256.
Essay, pp. 218–19.
A view shared by Francis Hutcheson. Lawrence Delbert Cress, ‘Radical Whiggery on the Role of the Military: Ideological Roots of the American Revolutionary Militia’, Journal of the History of Ideas, Vol. 40(1), 1979, pp. 43–60, p. 52.
Essay, pp. 213–20.
Essay, p. 256.
Lois Schwoer, ‘No Standing Armies!’, pp. 51–71.
Essay, pp. 86–8.
Essay, pp. 22–3.
Max Weber, Economy and Society: An Outline of Interpretive Sociology, Berkeley: Berkeley University Press 1978, p. 636.
Rousseau, ‘A Discourse on the Moral Effects of the Arts and Sciences’, in Social Contract and Discourses, pp. 6–7.
Silver, ‘Friendship in Commercial Society’, pp. 1480–81.
Hume, ‘Of Refinement in the Arts’, Essays, pp. 270–271.
TMS. II. ii. 3. 2. p. 86.
Essay, pp. 23–4.
Istvan Hont and Michael Ignatieff, ‘Needs and Justice in the Wealth of Nations: An Introductory Essay’, in Hont and Ignatieff, (eds.), Wealth and Virtue, p. 6.
Kettler, ‘History and Theory in Ferguson’s Essay’, p. 452.
Bernstein, ‘Adam Ferguson and the Idea of Progress’, p. 113; P.II., p. 501.
Reesor, The Political Theory of the Old and Middle Stoa, p. 16.
Seneca, Letters From a Stoic, Selected and Translated with an Introduction by Robin Campbell, London: Penguin, 1969, Letter 114. 10, p. 216.
Seneca, Letters From a Stoic, Letter 90, 37, p. 173.
Epictetus, Enchiridion, 39, pp. 37–8.
History, pp. 464–9, 169–70.
Roche, Rousseau: Stoic and Romantic, p. 10.
Springborg, Western Republicanism, p. 63.
Montesquieu, Laws, 1. 7. 2, p. 98.
Reesor, The Political Theory of the Old and Middle Stoa, p. 16.
Institutes, p. 247.
But for reasons related to equity and ‘justice’ rather than asceticism: Whereas taxes on the 9 consumption of ‘ornament’ and ‘costly accommodation’ are acceptable, taxes on ‘the necessaries of life, are a tax on the poor’ and this is wrong. Institutes, pp. 256–8.
P.I., p. 243; History, p. 109.
Essay, p. 80.
Hume, ‘Of Refinement in the Arts’; Essays, pp. 278, 270–2, 276–7.
Hume, History, Vol. II. Ch. 23, p. 522.
Smith, WN. III.iv.5, pp. 412–14; III. iv. 11–18, pp. 419–22.
Christopher Berry, The Idea of Luxury, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994, pp. 157–8.
Smith, WN, I.i.10–11, pp. 22–4.
Sekora, Luxury, p. 104.
Essay, p. 237.
Lehmann, Adam Ferguson, p. 148.
History, p. 109.
Sekora, Luxury, p. 104.
Rousseau wrote: ‘[W]ithout insisting on the necessity of sumptuary laws, can it be denied that rectitude of morals is essential to the duration of empires, and that luxury is diametrically opposed to such rectitude?’. ‘A Discourse on the Moral Effects of the Arts and Sciences’, in The Social Contract and Discourses, p. 17. An important difference, though, is that Ferguson did not endorse Rousseau’s view that the ‘dissolution of morals’ was a ‘necessary consequence of luxury’. Ibid., p. 19. My emphasis. Kames was particularly preoccupied with the theme of the pernicious effect of luxury, declaring it to be ‘the ruin of every state where it prevailed’. Cited in Scheffer, ‘Idea of Decline’, p. 168.
Nevertheless, some economists remained committed to the view that, because luxury was pernicious, a sumptuary law should be introduced. Thomas Alcock was one such advocate. Firth, ‘Moral Supervision and Social Order’, pp. 45, 48. See also, John E. Crowley, ‘The Sensibility of Comfort’, The American Historical Review, Vol. 104 (3) 1999, pp. 749–782.
Essay, pp. 231–2. See also P.I., p. 248.
‘Luxury has turned her back on nature’. Seneca, Letters from a Stoic, Letter 90, 19. p. 168.
Essay, p. 241.
P.II., p. 342.
Essay, pp. 248–51.
Essay, p. 216.
Institutes, p. 146. Hiroshi Mizuta makes this same point in ‘Two Adams in the Scottish Enlightenment’.
Institutes, p. 138.
P.I., p. 244.
P.II., p. 341.
P.II., p. 342.
To use Fania Oz-Salzberger’s words. Translating the Enlightenment, p. 113.
Essay, p. 253.
Essay, p. 245.
Essay, p. 240.
P.I., p. 245.
Essay, p. 237.
Essay, pp. 238–9.
TMS. I.iii.3. 6., p. 63.
TMS. VI. ii. 1.20–1, pp. 225–6.
Essay, p. 241.
Seneca, Letters from a Stoic, Letter 7, 10. p. 43.
Passmore, The Perfectibility of Man, p. 195.
Polybius, Rise of the Roman Empire, 6. 8. p. 308. See also Springborg, Western Republicanism, p. 66 for further discussion.
Reesor, Political Theory of the Old and Middle Stoa, p. 23.
Machiavelli, Discourses, 1. 2. p. 107.
Montesquieu, Laws, 1.8. 5, pp. 115–16.
P.I., p. 245.
Essay, p. 248.
History, pp. 277–8, 294.
Essay, p. 223.
Essay, p. 228.
Yet Ferguson is careful to explain that the pursuit of pleasure is natural but only if it is indulged in occasionally and temporarily. P.II., pp. 386.
Essay, p. 248.
Essay, p. 219.
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(2006). Corruption And Problems Of Modernity. In: The Passionate Society. International Archives of the History of Ideas / Archives internationales d’histoire des idées, vol 191. Springer, Dordrecht . https://doi.org/10.1007/1-4020-3890-9_10
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