Advertisement

Africa Now! pp 293-320 | Cite as

North Africa: Can Common Security Challenges Promote Regional Integration?

  • Rawia Tawfik
Chapter

Abstract

North African countries have been facing ever-increasing security challenges, especially after the popular uprisings since 2010. This chapter argues that in spite of these challenges, the region still lacks the necessary conditions to strengthen security and developmental interdependence compared to other parts of the continent. Using the Regional Security Complexes (RSCs) theory, it illustrates that the states in the region are cooperating with international powers that are eager to intervene directly to manage conflicts in North Africa, rather than to delegate the responsibility of this management to regional powers. There is also no single regional hegemon, or a group of states, that are ready to lead the process of transforming regional organizations, carry a disproportionate share of maintaining them, and work to achieve regional consensus. Resolving the historical tensions between Morocco and Algeria, investing in a sub-regional organization that could provide a framework for security and economic cooperation, and supporting building state institutions in Libya are key to fostering security and developmental integration in the region.

References

  1. Abdellani, A. (2005). The Arab Maghreb Union: From fragmentation to union. In M. Ashour & A. Salem (Eds.), African regional integration: Perspectives and prospects. Cairo: Cairo University, African Regional Integration Support Project.Google Scholar
  2. Africa Research Bulletin. (2012a). Arab Maghreb Union: Algiers meeting, July 1, p. 19333.Google Scholar
  3. Africa Research Bulletin. (2012b). Arab Maghreb Union: Renewed optimism, February 1, p. 19151.Google Scholar
  4. Africa Research Bulletin. (2014). Arab Maghreb Union: Lethargic group, April 1, p. 20298.Google Scholar
  5. African Union. (n.d.). African Peace and Security Architecture: African Union’s blueprint for the promotion of peace, security and stability in Africa. Addis Ababa: AU.Google Scholar
  6. African Union. (2010). African Peace and Security Architecture: 2010 Assessment Study. Addis Ababa: AU.Google Scholar
  7. Ahram Online. (2015). Is the Arab League setting the stage for military intervention in Libya, August 19. Retrieved August 26, 2016, from http://english.ahram.org.eg/NewsContent/2/8/138271/World/Region/Is-the-Arab-League-setting-the-stage-for-military-.aspx
  8. Al-Adawy, M. (2005). Regional integration between claims of national security and new concepts of security. In M. Ashour & A. Salem (Eds.), African regional integration: Perspectives and prospects. Cairo: Cairo University, African Regional Integration Support Project.Google Scholar
  9. Al-Effendi, A. (2009). The perils of regionalism: Regional integration as a source of instability in the Horn of Africa? Journal of Intervention and State Building, 3(1), 1–19.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  10. Ammour, L. (2013). Algeria’s role in the Sahelian security crisis. Stability: International Journal of Security and Development, 2(2), 2–11.Google Scholar
  11. Arab Maghreb Union. (1989). Treaty instituting the Arab Maghreb Union, Marrakesh, Morocco, February 17.Google Scholar
  12. Bahgat, G. (2010). The geo-politics of energy: Europe and North Africa. The Journal of North African Studies, 15(1), 39–49.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  13. Bahgat, G. (2012). The impact of the Arab spring on the oil and gas industry in North Africa: A preliminary assessment. The Journal of North African Studies, 17(3), 503–514.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  14. Bakrania, S. (2014). Libya: Border security and regional cooperation. Birmingham: GSDRC.Google Scholar
  15. Benlakehal, M. (2015, April 1). Algerian support for joint Arab military would be limited. Al-Araby Al-Jadeed.Google Scholar
  16. Bey, A. (2005). Bases and obstacles for integration in the Arab Maghreb Union. In M. Ashour & A. Salem (Eds.), African regional integration: Perspectives and prospects. Cairo: Cairo University, African Regional Integration Support Project.Google Scholar
  17. Boukhars, A. (2013). Algerian foreign policy in the context of the Arab spring. Op-ed. Washington, DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.Google Scholar
  18. Cavatorta, F., & Durac, V. (2016). Diverging or converging dynamics: EU and US policies in North Africa–an introduction. The Journal of North African Studies, 14(5), 1–9.Google Scholar
  19. Clapham, C. (2001). The changing world of regional integration in Africa. In C. Clapham, G. Mills, A. Morner, & E. Sidiropoulos (Eds.), Regional integration in Southern Africa: Comparative international perspectives. Johannesburg: South African Institute of International Affairs.Google Scholar
  20. Coustelliere, J. F. (2006). The 5+5 security and defense initiative. 5th International Seminar on Security and Defence in the Mediterranean; Multi-Dimensional Security. Barcelona: Barcelona Centre for International Affairs.Google Scholar
  21. Ebo, A. (2007). Towards a common ECOWAS agenda on Security Sector Reform. Policy Paper No. 23. Geneva: The Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces.Google Scholar
  22. Echoroukonline. (2013). Security conditions for holding AMU Summit, June 23. Retrieved August 25, 2016, from http://www.echoroukonline.com/ara/articles/160723.html
  23. European Commission. (2008). Second strategic energy review: An EU energy security and solidarity action plan. Brussels: Commission of the European Communities.Google Scholar
  24. Fawcett, L., & Gandois, H. (2010). Regionalism in Africa and the Middle East: Implications for EU studies. Journal of European Integration, 32(6), 617–636.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  25. Francis, D. (2006). Linking peace, security and developmental regionalism: Regional economic and security integration in Africa. Journal of Peace Building and Development, 2(3), 7–20.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  26. Friedman, S., & Sharkey, H. (2010). A tale of two economic developments: Tunisia and Morocco. College Undergraduate Research Electronic Journal. The University of Pennsylvania, 1–69.Google Scholar
  27. Goldstein, A. (2002). The new regionalism in Sub-Saharan Africa: More than meets the eye? OECD Development Centre Policy Brief No. 20.Google Scholar
  28. Hanafy, K. (2005). An evaluation of the CEN-SAD integrative performance. In M. Ashour & A. Salem (Eds.), African regional integration: Perspectives and prospects. Cairo: Cairo University, African Regional Integration Support Project.Google Scholar
  29. Hoff, B. (2016, January 6). Hillary e-mails reveal true motives for Libya intervention. Foreign Policy Journal. Retrieved July 25, 2016, from http://www.foreignpolicyjournal.com/2016/01/06/new-hillary-emails-reveal-true-motive-for-libya-intervention/
  30. Khafagy, R. (2005). The Arab Maghreb Union: A puzzling case of regional integration. In M. Ashour & A. Salem (Eds.), African regional integration: Perspectives and prospects. Cairo: Cairo University, African Regional Integration Support Project.Google Scholar
  31. Kolster, J., Matondo-Fundani, N., & Santi, E. (2012). Regional integration in North Africa. In E. Santi, S. Ben Romdhane, & W. Sahw (Eds.), Unlocking North Africa’s potential through regional integration. Abidjan: African Development Bank.Google Scholar
  32. Layachi, A. (2016). Region-building in North Africa. In D. Levine & D. Nagar (Eds.), Region-building in Africa: Political and economic challenges. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.Google Scholar
  33. Libyan Prospect. (2016). Libyan parties condemn France’s intervention, July 22. Retrieved August 25, 2016, from http://libyaprospect.com/index.php/2016/07/22/libyan-parties-condemn-frances-intervention/
  34. Lustick, I. (1997). The absence of Middle Eastern great powers: Political “backwardness” in historical perspectives. International Organization, 51(4), 653–683.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  35. Moroccan American Center for Policy. (2012). Morocco-US strategic dialogue: Consultation, cooperation, progress. Washington, DC: Moroccan American Centre for Policy.Google Scholar
  36. Muhlberger, W. (2016). A Thorny Dossier: Egypt’s Libya policy. Ahram online, January 27. Retrieved August 25, 2016, from http://english.ahram.org.eg/NewsContentP/4/185840/Opinion/A-Thorny-Dossier-Egypt%E2%80% 99s-Libya-Policy.aspx
  37. Nickels, B. (2013, June 23). Mali’s regional ramifications. Sada Journal. Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, from http://carnegieendowment.org/sada/52018.
  38. Nunez, M. (2012). 5 + 5 Mediterranean security: Shared security. Framework Document No. 7, Instituto Espanol de Estudios Estrategicos.Google Scholar
  39. Organization of African Unity. (1980). Lagos Plan of Action for the economic development of Africa 1980–2000. Heads of State and Government extraordinary Session, Lagos, Nigeria.Google Scholar
  40. Organization of African Unity. (1991). Treaty establishing the African Economic Community. Assembly of Heads of State and Government, Abuja, Nigeria.Google Scholar
  41. Organization of African Unity. (1993). Cairo declaration on the occasion of the 30th anniversary of the Organisation of African Unity. Assembly of Heads of State and Government, 29th Ordinary session.Google Scholar
  42. Organization of African Unity. (2000). Conference on Security, Stability, Development and Cooperation in Africa (CSSDCA) Solemn Declaration. Heads of State and Government 36th ordinary session, Lome, Togo.Google Scholar
  43. Ould Abdallah, A. (2013). Revitalising the CEN-SAD. Centre for Security. Retrieved August 25, 2016, from http://www.centre4s.org/en/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=96%3Arevitalizing-the-cen-sad&Itemid=57
  44. Pinfari, M. (2012). A changing Mediterranean: Regional organizations and North Africa during the Arab spring. The International Spectator, 47(1), 134–150.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  45. Reeve, R. (2015). Libya: Between the Sahel-Sahara and the Islamic States crisis. Briefing Paper. Oxford: Oxford Research Group.Google Scholar
  46. Reuters. (2016, August 1). US warplanes launch bombing campaign on Islamic State in Libya. Retrieved August 25, 2016, from http://www.reuters.com/article/us-libya-security-idUSKCN10C2NF
  47. Stitou, I. (2015, April 23). Morocco, Algeria compete over Libya. Al-Monitor.Google Scholar
  48. Tripoli Post. (2009). Conclusions of the 11th ordinary session of the conference of leaders and heads of state of the Community of Sahel and Saharan State. Retrieved August 24, 2016, from http://www.tripolipost.com/articledetail.asp?c=1&i=3298
  49. United Nations Economic Commission for Africa. (n.d.). CEN-SAD: The Community of Sahel and Saharan State. Retrieved August, 24, 2016, from http://www.uneca.org/oria/pages/cen-sad-community-sahel-saharan-states
  50. Zoubir, Y. (2012). Tipping the balance towards intra-Maghreb unity in light of the Arab spring. The International Spectator, 47(3), 83–99.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  51. Zoubir, Y., & Benabdallah-Gambier, K. (2005). The United States and the North Africa Imbroglio: Balancing interests in Algeria, Morocco and the Western Sahara. Mediterranean Politics, 10(2), 181–200.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Copyright information

© The Author(s) 2018

Authors and Affiliations

  • Rawia Tawfik
    • 1
  1. 1.Faculty of Economics and Political Science, Cairo UniversityOrman, GizaEgypt

Personalised recommendations