Advertisement

Chinese Motivations

  • Siegfried O. Wolf
Chapter
Part of the Contemporary South Asian Studies book series (CSAS)

Abstract

This chapter elaborates on the Chinese rationale behind the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in general and the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) in particular. It will be stated that large-scale, multi-faceted development initiatives such as the BRI and CPEC carry much influence over several aspects of state and society, including both domestic and foreign policy objectives as well as regional geopolitics. Apparently there is no consensus on how a CPEC should be interpreted, neither in China and Pakistan nor outside the corridor’s geographical framework. In this context it will be argued that Chinese motivations regarding the CPEC are driven not only by economic and social interests but also by political, geostrategic, and security motivations as well.

Bibliography

  1. Ahmad, S. (2016, August 30). Multan CPO made OSD on complaint of Chinese workers. Dawn. https://epaper.dawn.com/DetailImage.php?StoryImage=30_08_2016_002_005
  2. Ahmad, R. S. (2018, March 15). BRI and CPEC: Dispute resolution mechanisms. The Express Tribune. https://tribune.com.pk/story/1660084/6-bri-cpec-dispute-resolution-mechanisms/
  3. Ahmad, D. (2018a). The China Pakistan Economic Corridor: Review and analysis. In BIPP (Ed.), The state of the economy. China Pakistan Economic Corridor. Review and analysis (pp. 50–63). Lahore: Javed Burki Institute of Public Policy (BIPP).Google Scholar
  4. Aris, S. (2009). The Shanghai cooperation organisation: ‘Tackling the three evils’. A regional response to non-traditional security challenges or an anti-western bloc? Europe-Asia Studies, 61(3), 457–482.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  5. Aronczyk, M. (2013). Branding the nation. Oxford: Oxford University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  6. Asian Warrior. (2013, June 18). How important is Gwadar port for China? Blog. Accessed February 7, 2019, from http://www.asianwarrior.com/2013/06/how-important-is-gwadar-port-for-china.html#.Uu3UkXmQePE
  7. Bartodziej, C. J. (2016). The concept industry 4.0. Wiesbaden: Springer.Google Scholar
  8. BBC. (2012, May 31). China urges Pakistan to expel Uighur Islamic militants.Google Scholar
  9. BBC. (2015b, April 22). Is China-Pakistan ‘Silk Road’ a game-changer? Google Scholar
  10. Becquelin, N. (2004). Staged development in Xinjiang. The China Quarterly, 178(2), 358–378.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  11. Bhattacharji, P. (2012, May 29). Uighurs and China’s Xinjiang Region. CFR Backgrounder. New York: Council on Foreign Relations.Google Scholar
  12. Bräutigam, D., & Xiaoyang, T. (2012). Economic statecraft in China’s new overseas special economic zones: Softpower, business or resource security? International Affairs, 88(4), 799–816.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  13. Breznitz, D., & Murphree, M. (2013). The rise of China in technology standards: New norms in old institutions. Research Report Prepared on Behalf of the US–China Economic and Security Review Commission. Accessed February 7, 2019, from https://www.uscc.gov/sites/default/files/Research/RiseofChinainTechnologyStandards.pdf
  14. BTI China. (2016). BTI 2016 | China Country Report. Gütersloh: Bertelsmann Transformation Index (BTI).Google Scholar
  15. BTI China. (2018). BTI 2018 | China Country Report. Gütersloh: Bertelsmann Transformation Index (BTI).Google Scholar
  16. Cai, P. (2017). Understanding China’s Belt and Road initiative. Analysis. Sydney: Lowy Institute for International Policy. Accessed February 7, 2019, from https://www.lowyinstitute.org/publications/understanding-belt-and-road-initiative
  17. Carmody, P. (2009). An Asian-driven economic recovery in Africa? The Zambia case. World Development, 37(7), 1197–1207.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  18. Casaca, P. (2018, March 23). The Tashkent Forum: A new hope for Afghanistan’s future (SADF Comment, No. 119). Brussels: South Asia Democratic Forum (SADF).Google Scholar
  19. Chandran, N. (2018, February 1). China’s plans for creating new international courts are raising fears of bias. CNBC.Google Scholar
  20. Chang, G. G. (2014, December 10). China’s big plans for Pakistan. The National Interest.Google Scholar
  21. Chen, D. (2014, August 21). Chinese foreign policy needs major reform. Tao Guang Yang Hui or Fen Fa You Wei? This is the question for China. The Diplomat.Google Scholar
  22. Chen, D., & Wang, J. (2011). Lying low no more? China’s new thinking on the Tao Guang Yang Hui strategy. China: An International Journal, 9(2), 195.Google Scholar
  23. Chen, Y., & Yao, K. (2018, July 18). China’s FX reserves post surprise gain, withstand June market chaos. Reuters.Google Scholar
  24. China Daily. (2014, March 5). Background: Connotations of Chinese Dream.Google Scholar
  25. Clarke, M. (2016). Beijing’s march west: ‘One Belt, one Road’ and China’s continental frontiers into the 21st century. Paper presented at the Political Studies Association (PSA) Conference on 21 March 2016 in Brighton. Accessed February 7, 2019, from https://www.psa.ac.uk/sites/default/files/conference/papers/2016/Clarke-PSA-2016-paper.pdf
  26. Clarke, M. (2017, July). The Belt and Road initiative: China’s new grand strategy? Asia Policy, 24, 71–79.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  27. Curtis, L., & Scissors, D. (2012, January 19). The limits of the Pakistan-China alliance. Backgrounder, No. 2641. Washington, DC: The Heritage Foundation.Google Scholar
  28. Daily Times. (2015a, April 21). Pakistan, China launch Economic Corridor.Google Scholar
  29. Dasgupta, S. (2017, May 15). China moves into pole position as Belt and Road forum wraps. The National.Google Scholar
  30. Davis, E. W. (2008). Uyghur Muslim ethnic separatism in Xinjiang. China Asian Affairs, 35(1), 15–29.Google Scholar
  31. Detsch, J. (2015, April 21). China’s grand plan for Pakistan’s infrastructure. President Xi Jinping has inked a deal with Islamabad that could provide Beijing with direct access to the Indian Ocean. The Diplomat.Google Scholar
  32. Deutsche Welle. (2017, December 15). China keeps building infrastructure on disputed islands in South China Sea. Google Scholar
  33. Devonshire-Ellis, C. (2018, January 24). China passes Belt and Road trade dispute mechanism, but who will have final say? Silk Road Briefing. Accessed February 7, 2019, from https://www.silkroadbriefing.com/news/2018/01/24/china-passes-belt-road-trade-dispute-mechanism-will-final-say/
  34. Domínguez, G. (2015b, January 15). Author Interview with Andrew Small: “Bilateral relations: The Sino-Pakistani axis: Asia’s ‘little understood’ relationship”. Deutsche Welle.Google Scholar
  35. Economist. (2018, March 3). What the west got wrong. 426(9081), 9–10.Google Scholar
  36. Fasslabend, W. (2015). The Silk Road: A political marketing concept for world dominance. European View, 14, 293–302.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  37. Fei, J. (2017, December 22). China’s overseas military base in Djibouti: Features, motivations, and policy implications. China Brief, 17(17).Google Scholar
  38. Ferchen, M. (2013). Time to rethink China’s peaceful development policy. Beijing: Carnegie-Tsinghua. Center for Global Policy.Google Scholar
  39. Fullerton, J. (2015, April 20). China unveils £30bn plan to link to Pakistan with ‘economic corridor’. The Independent.Google Scholar
  40. Ghiasy, R., & Zhou, J. (2017). The Silk Road economic Belt. Considering security implications and EU–China cooperation prospects. Friedrich Ebert Stiftung (FES), Germany & Stockholm International Peace Institute (SIPRI), Sweden. Accessed February 7, 2019, from https://www.sipri.org/publications/2017/other-publications/silk-road-economic-belt
  41. Global Times. (2017, December 10). China in the new era: What to expect in 2021? Google Scholar
  42. Godehardt, N. (2016). No end of history. A Chinese alternative concept of international order. SWP Research Paper, RP 2. Berlin: Stiftung Wissenschaft Politik (SWP).Google Scholar
  43. Griffiths, J. (2017, May 14). China’s new world order: Xi, Putin and others meet for Belt and Road Forum. CNN.Google Scholar
  44. Guo, R. (2010). An introduction to the Chinese economy: The driving forces behind modern day China. Wiley: Singapore.Google Scholar
  45. Holbig, H. (2004). The emergence of the campaign to open up the west: Ideological formation, central decision-making and the role of the provinces. The China Quarterly, 178, 335–357.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  46. Hussain, E. (2018, April 8). Pakistan: A Chinese colony? Daily Times.Google Scholar
  47. Hussain, Z. (2017d, June). The China-Pakistan economic corridor and the new regional geopolitics. Notes de l’ifri. Asie. Visions, 94. Institut francais des relations internationals (ifri) & Center for Asian Studies, Paris.Google Scholar
  48. Jacobs, A., & Perlez, J. (2017, February 25). U.S. wary of its new neighbor in Djibouti: A Chinese naval base. The New York Times.Google Scholar
  49. Johnson, C. K. (2016, March 28). President Xi Jinping’s ‘Belt and Road’ initiative: A practical assessment of the Chinese Communist Party’s Roadmap for China’s Global Resurgence. CSIS report. Washington, DC: Center for Strategic & International Studies (CSIS).Google Scholar
  50. Joshi, S. (2013, August 12). Can India blockade China? The Diplomat.Google Scholar
  51. Kalciki, R. (2017, April 3). China’s innovation strategy a threat? Blog. Bruegel.Google Scholar
  52. Katzenstein, P. J. (Ed.). (2012). Sinicization and the rise of China: Civilizational processes beyond East and West. New York: Routledge.Google Scholar
  53. Kennedy, S. (2015, June 1). Made in China 2025. Critical questions. Washington, DC: Center for Strategic & International Studies (CSIS).Google Scholar
  54. Khan, A. R., & Riskin, C. (2005). China’s household income and its distribution, 1995 and 2002. The China Quarterly, 182, 356–384.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  55. Kuhn, R. L. (2013, June 4). Xi Jinping’s Chinese Dream. The New York Times.Google Scholar
  56. Lam, W. (2016). Xi Jinping’s ideology and statecraft. Chinese Law & Government, 48(6), 409–417. Accessed February 13, 2019, from https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/pdf/10.1080/00094609.2016.1241098 CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  57. Lee, S.-J. (2009, October 20). China’s soft power: Its limits and potentials (EAI Issue Briefing No. MASI 2009-07: 8). Seoul: East Asia Institute (EAI). Accessed February 13, 2019, from http://www.eai.or.kr/data/bbs/eng_report/2009103016723.pdf
  58. Lei, Z. (2017b, June 19). Xi vows to fight ‘three evil forces’ of terrorism, separatism and extremism. The Telegraph.Google Scholar
  59. Li, H. (2006, Summer). Emergence of the Chinese middle class and its implications. Asian Affairs, 33(2), 67–83.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  60. Li, S., & Sicular, T. (2014). The distribution of household income in China. Inequality, poverty and policies. The China Quarterly, 21, 1–41.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  61. Lieberthal, K. (2013, December 7). Chinese dream and China’s governance. Beijing Review. Accessed February 13, 2019, from http://www.bjreview.com/special/2013-12/07/content_582683.htm
  62. LTP. (2017). Long term plan for China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (2017–2030) [LTP]. Government of Pakistan, Ministry of Planning, Development and Reform, Islamabad & People’s Republic of China, National Development & Reform Commission, Beijing. Accessed February 13, 2019, from http://pc.gov.pk/uploads/cpec/LTP.pdf
  63. Mardell, J. (2018, February 14). Dispute settlement on China’s terms: Beijing’s new Belt and Road courts. MERICS Blog - European Voices on China. https://www.merics.org/en/blog/dispute-settlement-chinas-terms-beijings-new-belt-and-road-courts
  64. Meyers, J. (2017, May 12). Globalization 2.0: How China’s two-day summit aims to shape a new world order. Los Angeles Times.Google Scholar
  65. Müller-Markus, C. (2016). One Belt, one Road: The Chinese dream and its impact on Europe (CIDOB Notes Internacionals, No. 148). Barcelona Center for International Affairs (CIDOB).Google Scholar
  66. NDRC. (2015, March 28). Vision and actions on jointly building Silk Road economic Belt and 21st-century Maritime Silk Road. National Development and Reform Commission (NDRC), Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and Ministry of Commerce Government of Peoples Republic of China. Accessed February 13, 2019, from http://en.ndrc.gov.cn/newsrelease/201503/t20150330_669367.html
  67. New York Times. (2015, April 23). China’s Big Plunge in Pakistan.Google Scholar
  68. Omoruyi, E. M. M. (2018, March 19). China’s march towards a moderately well-off society. China Daily. Google Scholar
  69. Pant, H. V. (2017, December 29). China brings Afghanistan and Pakistan together to discuss regional issues, but divergences remain. The Diplomat.Google Scholar
  70. Petersen, R. (2016). Leaky ships: Ocean carriers in the age of profitless shipping. Blog. Flexport. Accessed February 13, 2019, from https://www.flexport.com/blog/why-are-ocean-freight-rates-so-low/
  71. Phares, W. (2009, May 20). China’s strategic interests in AfPak conflicts. Testimony before the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission. Prepared for a conference on ‘The Impact of China’s Economic and Security Interests in Continental Asia on the United States, Washington, DC. Accessed February 13, 2019, from https://www.uscc.gov/sites/default/files/5.20.09Phares.pdf
  72. Prasad, J. (2015b, September). One Belt and many Roads: China’s initiative and India’s response (DPG Issue Brief). New Delhi: Delhi Policy Group (DPG).Google Scholar
  73. Rafiq, A. (2018, May 4). CPEC: A paucity of planning by Pakistan. Blog. Global Village Space. Accessed February 13, 2019, from https://www.globalvillagespace.com/cpec-a-paucity-of-planning-by-pakistan/
  74. Rifaat, H., & Maini, T. S. (2016). The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor. Strategic rationales, external perspectives, and challenges to effective implementation. Stimson Visiting Fellow Paper. Washington, DC: The Stimson Center.Google Scholar
  75. Sahgal, A. (2015, April 24). China – Pakistan economic corridor: Changing dynamics of Southern Asia – analysis. Eurasiareview. http://www.eurasiareview.com/24042015-china-pakistan-economic-corridor-changingdynamics-of-southern-asia-analysis/
  76. Saifullah, M. (2018a, March 23). Why Central Asian states want peace with the Taliban. Deutsche Welle.Google Scholar
  77. Saifullah, M. (2018b, January 10). Can Afghanistan join China-Pakistan Economic Corridor? Deutsche Welle. Google Scholar
  78. Sandhu, J. (2017, March 20). China’s response to terrorism: An interview with GGF 2027 fellow Yuan Ma. Blog. Global policy. Accessed February 14, 2019, from https://www.globalpolicyjournal.com/blog/20/03/2017/china’s-response-terrorism-interview-ggf-2027-fellow-yuan-ma
  79. Segal, A. (2018, March 28). Why does everyone hate made in China 2025? Blog. New York: Council on Foreign Relations (CfR).Google Scholar
  80. Shah, S. A. (2018b, April 4). Chinese workers thrash policemen in Khanewal. Dawn.Google Scholar
  81. Shamil, S. (2017, May 15). ‘New Silk Road’ and China’s hegemonic ambitions. Deutsche Welle.Google Scholar
  82. Shaoguang, W., & Angang, H. (1999). The political economy of uneven development. The case of China. Armonk: M. E. Sharpe.Google Scholar
  83. Shira & Associates. (2018a, January 24). China passes Belt and Road trade dispute mechanism, but who will have final say? SilkRoadBriefing. https://www.silkroadbriefing.com/news/2018/01/24/china-passes-belt-road-trade-dispute-mechanism-will-final-say/
  84. Shira, D., & Associates. (2018b, February 2). Confusion over dispute resolution at China’s New Belt and Road Courts. China Briefing. Accessed February 14, 2019, from http://www.china-briefing.com/news/2018/02/02/bilateral-confusion-dispute-resolution-chinas-new-belt-road-courts.html
  85. Siddiqui, S. (2018a, February 7). Beijing plans new mechanism for Belt and Road arbitration. Asia Times.Google Scholar
  86. Small, A. (2011, August 5). How all-weather are the ties? PRAGATI. The Indian National Interest Review. Accessed February 14, 2019, from http://pragati.nationalinterest.in/2011/08/how-all-weather-are-the-ties/comment-page-1/
  87. Small, A. (2015). The China-Pakistan axis: Asia’s new geopolitics. New York: Oxford University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  88. Smit, J., Kreutzer, S., Moeller, C., & Carlberg, M. (2016). Industry 4.0. Study for the ITRE committee. Brussels: Directorate General for International Policies, Policy Department A: Economic and Scientific Policy, European Parliament. Accessed February 14, 2019, from http://www.europarl.europa.eu/RegData/etudes/STUD/2016/570007/IPOL_STU(2016)570007_EN.pdf
  89. Spross, H. (2017, December 27). ‘The Chinese Dream’ and Xi Jinping’s power politics. Deutsche Welle.Google Scholar
  90. Strait Times. (2018, February 13). Proposed Kra Canal not priority project for Thai govt. Google Scholar
  91. Sun, Y. (2014). Africa in China’s foreign policy. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution, John L. Thornton China Center and Africa Growth Initiative.Google Scholar
  92. Tao, N. (2017, November 29). Public diplomacy key to clear Belt and Road doubts. Shanghai Daily. Google Scholar
  93. Tellis, A. J. (2017a, April 25). Protecting American Primacy in the Indo-Pacific. Testimony before the U.S. Senate Armed Services Committee. Washington, DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.Google Scholar
  94. Tharoor, I. (2015, April 21). What China’s and Pakistan’s special friendship means. The Washington Post.Google Scholar
  95. Tiezzi, S. (2014, August 2). China’s ‘People’s War’ against terrorism. The Diplomat.Google Scholar
  96. Tiezzi, S. (2015a, December 29). China’s new anti-terrorism law. The Diplomat.Google Scholar
  97. Tiezzi, S. (2015b, April 21). Can China’s investments bring peace to Pakistan? The Diplomat.Google Scholar
  98. Tiezzi, S. (2015c, February 26). Xi’s blueprint for the achieving the ‘China Dream’. The Diplomat. Google Scholar
  99. Tingyang, Z. (2009). A political world philosophy in terms of all-under-heaven (Tian-xia). Diogenes, 56(5), 5–18.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  100. Tunsjø, Ø. (2013). Security and profit in China’s energy policy: Hedging against risk. NewYork: Columbia University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  101. Wang, M. Y. (2002). The motivations behind China’s government-initiated industrial investments overseas. Pacific Affairs, 75(2), 187–206.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  102. Weihong, X. (2015, July 5). China-Pakistan economic corridor key to economic upgrading in southern Xinjiang. Global Times. http://www.globaltimes.cn/content/930491.shtml
  103. Wolf, S. O. (2015a, July 21). It’s not only about illegal migration & international law: The Uighur Conundrum. E-International Relations. Accessed February 14, 2019, from http://www.e-ir.info/2015/07/21/its-not-only-about-illegal-migration-international-law-the-uighur-conundrum/
  104. Wolf, S. O. (2018a, April 7). The Boao-Forum for Asia and China’s reforming of global governance: Why the West and South Asia must take notice (SADF Comment, No. 120). Brussels: South Asia Democratic Forum (SADF).Google Scholar
  105. Wolfers, A. (1962). Discord and collaboration: Essays on international politics. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.Google Scholar
  106. Wübbeke, J. (2015, May 27). Die Kampfansage an Deutschland. Zeit Online. https://www.zeit.de/wirtschaft/2015-05/china-industrie-technologie-innovation
  107. Wübbeke, J., Meissner, M., Zenglein, M. J., Ives, J., & Conrad, B. (2016). Made in China 25. The making of a high-tech superpower and consequences for industrial countries (MERICS Papers on China, 2). Berlin: Mercator Institute for China Studies (MERICS). Accessed February 14, 2019, from https://www.merics.org/sites/default/files/2017-09/MPOC_No.2_MadeinChina2025.pdf
  108. Xinhua. (2017a, December 27). China, Pakistan, Afghanistan agree to discuss extending Economic Corridor. Google Scholar
  109. Xu, B., Fletcher, H., & Jayshree B. (2014, September 4). The East Turkestan Islamic Movement (ETIM). CFR Backgrounder. New York: Council on Foreign Relations (CFR).Google Scholar
  110. Yu, H. (2012). China’s western development strategy: Ten years on (EAI Background Brief No. 715) (Executive Summary). Singapore: East Asian Institute, National University of Singapore.Google Scholar
  111. Ze, S. (2014, October 18). One Road & One Belt & new thinking with regard to concepts and practice. Presentation at the 30th Anniversary Conference of the Schiller Institute, Frankfurt. Accessed February 14, 2019, from http://newparadigm.schillerinstitute.com/media/one-road-and-one-belt-and-new-thinking-with-regard-to-concepts-and-practice/
  112. Ze, S. (2015, June 15). A look at a new concept and the remarkable practice of China’s development through the ‘One Belt, One Road’. Presentation at the International Conference of the Schiller Institute, Paris. Accessed February 14, 2019, from http://newparadigm.schillerinstitute.com/media/pr-shi-ze-regard-sur-le-concept-nouveau-d-une-ceinture-une-route/
  113. Zhao, K. (2015, Summer). The motivation behind China’s public diplomacy. The Chinese Journal of International Politics, 8(2), 167–196. Accessed February 14, 2019, from https://www.researchgate.net/publication/276111714_The_Motivation_Behind_China%27s_Public_Diplomacy CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  114. Zhou, Z. (2016, January, 23). China’s Comprehensive Counter-Terrorism Law. The Diplomat.Google Scholar
  115. Zingel, W.-P. (2015). China’s Pakistan option: Economic and social implications of an ‘all-weather relationship’. IIC Quarterly, 42, 2.Google Scholar

Copyright information

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020

Authors and Affiliations

  • Siegfried O. Wolf
    • 1
  1. 1.South Asia Democratic Forum (SADF)BrusselsBelgium

Personalised recommendations