Several predicates in Kiowa are sensitive to the number of their inner argument; that is, Kiowa has predicates that supplete for number. Consequently, sensitivity to number is a property of two parts of Kiowa grammar: agreement and suppletion. Mostly, these two operate in tandem: if referential cardinality is 1, the verb will occur in its s-suppletive form bearing s-agreement, or if referential cardinality is 3, the verb will occur in its p-suppletive form bearing p-agreement. However, at times, agreement and suppletion mismatch, with agreement implying one referential cardinality and suppletion, another.

This chapter is concerned with the mechanisms of suppletion in general and with agreement~suppletion mismatches in particular. I argue that these facts receive a natural analysis given the theory developed in Chapter 3. The aspect of that theory relevant to mismatches is the divergence permitted between the feature content of Number and D (and between Class and D). By providing divergent feature specifications in a single syntactic structure, the theory permits divergence between number-sensitive phenomena, provided they depend on different heads. For instance, if agreement depends on D, as argued in Chapter 3, and if suppletion depends on Number or Class, then agreement and suppletion will be conditioned by different features whenever grouphood or inverse marking affect D.


Phonological Process Mass Noun Agree Relation Vocabulary Item Concatenation Yield 
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© Springer Science + Business Media B.V 2008

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