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Abstract

Fiji is one of the four Pacific Island Countries (PICs) that have a military force. The Fijian military, the Republic (formerly Royal) Fiji Military Forces (RFMF), has contributed to political instability by overthrowing democratically elected governments on four separate occasions. The first of these coups was in May 1987 and was said to be for the protection of indigenous rights and to avoid the military being used to suppress indigenous ethnic Fijians. The military had underwritten ethnic Fijian (Taukei) underwrote chiefly power against a government that was perceived and portrayed as Indo-Fijian supported and Indo-Fijian dominated. Interestingly enough, the very same military nearly 20 years on overthrew what was largely an indigenous Fijian supported and dominated government. The imposed military-backed government was generally opposed by Taukei (indigenous Fijians). The Fijian military has remained over 99% ethnic Fijian (Taukei) in a multiethnic society. Over the last ten years, there has been further militarization of the country, and although both the military-backed and the post-2014 democratically elected government led by Retired Rear Admiral Vorege Bainimarama have strongly advocated ‘racially’ or ethnically blind policies, the ethnic composition of the military has remained unchanged. This chapter provides a historical background to the Fiji military force’s ethnic composition, its role in political instability and human rights violations, militarization, and the potential for further instability and oppression. It argues that a more multiethnic and gender-balanced military force being more representative of the country’s people is less likely to engage in illegal usurpation of state power.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Besides the 1970 independence constitution, Fiji has had three other constitutions—the 1990 constitution, the 1997 constitution, and the current 2013 Republic of Fiji Constitution. The 1990 constitution was reviewed by the three-member Reeves Commission led by Right Rev. Sir Paul Reeves, and the commission’s recommendations resulted in the adoption of scores of recommendations by the Parliament, which resulted in the 1997 constitution. The attempt to abrogate this constitution following the 2000 military coup was unsuccessful but it was finally abrogated in 2009 by the military-backed regime. In 2012, the five-member commission led by the pre-eminent constitutional law scholar Professor Yash Ghai drafted a new constitution for the country after reviewing hundreds of oral and written submissions on the provisions of the new draft constitution. This draft constitution, dubbed ‘the people’s constitution’, was deemed to be anathema and rejected by the regime. However, elements of the draft constitution have been included in the current constitution.

  2. 2.

    Indo-Fijians generously supported the war effort and contributed to the purchase of fighter jet for the British air force (Lal 1992).

  3. 3.

    Many villages experienced food shortages as food gardens were unattended with the departure of able-bodied young men.

  4. 4.

    In the 1920s Indian municipal workers’ strike, the armed native constabulary was used to break the industrial action. Australia and New Zealand provided military assistance requested by the governor. Striking workers gathered at the site of the pontoon crossing near the Samabula River were fired at and one worker was killed (Lal 1992, 81).

  5. 5.

    Overseas peacekeeping has also provided the requisite experience for employment in private security firms.

  6. 6.

    Rabuka has maintained that he was not a tissue paper to be used and discarded, meaning that the Deuba Accord that sought to reconcile and share power among the political leaders had cast him aside, personal communication with Major General (retired) Sitiveni Rabuka in May, 2011.

  7. 7.

    On this fateful day, the Prime Minister had approved a demonstration by ethno-nationalists and their supporters against the advice of his Minister of Home Affairs and the Commissioner of Police. In Suva, thousands of peaceful Taukei demonstrators were accompanied by belligerent elements who took advantage of the paucity of police (including riot police) to brazenly attack shops, ‘smash-grab’, and to burn and loot these premises. This day of shame in the capital, was followed by days of violence (stone throwing, physical attacks including sexual violence and rape), and plunder of crops and livestock as well as farm equipment belonging to Indo-Fijian farming families in Baulevu and Muaniveni.

  8. 8.

    This attempt at abrogation of the 1997 Constitution was unsuccessful as the ruling of Justice Anthony Gates on the famous ‘Chandrika Prasad case’ reaffirmed the constitution’s currency.

  9. 9.

    In justifying the 2006 coup, Bainimarama had asserted, ‘[I]f there are practices and policies which have potential to undermine the national security and territorial integrity of Fiji, the RFMF has every right under the Constitution to intervene’ (Fiji Times, 7 February 2008).

  10. 10.

    As of 31 July 2012, Fiji had an 11-member Cabinet, which comprised 3 serving officers (27%), an officer of the Brigade of Reserves (9%), 2 members with immediate family members in the army (18%), and 5 civilians (45%). The serving military officers were Commodore Voreqe Bainimarama and Captain (Navy) Timoci Natuva and Lt-Cdr Viliame Naupoto; Colonel Samuela Saumatua was an officer in the Reserves; Dr Neil Sharma and Dr Jiko Luveni had immediate family members in the military; and Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum, Filipe Bole, Joketani Cokanasiga, Jone Usumate, and Ratu Inoke Kubuabola were civilians.

  11. 11.

    A succession of senior military officers with no police training whatsoever has been imposed on the Fiji police force since the 1990s. These men have included Isikia Savua, EsalaTeleni, Ioane Navalarua, and most recently Sitiveni Qiliho. Needless to say their appointment at the apex of the police force has done little to boost the morale of the police.

  12. 12.

    Ibid.

  13. 13.

    Lal, Brij V. 2007, This Process of Political Readjustment, ANU Discussion Paper.

  14. 14.

    QVS, Natabua High School, Xavier College, RKS, Tavua District School, Nabua Secondary School, Bhawani Dayal Arya College, Ratu Navula Secondary School, Ratu Sukuna Memorial School, St Thomas High School, All Saints Secondary School, Rt. Emeri Primary schools, Nakasi High School, Nabala Secondary School, Gospel High School, ACS, Pundit Shreedhar Maharaj College, and Wainimakutu Secondary School.

  15. 15.

    This is in stark contrast to the numerous affirmative action policies that have sought to address the Taukei disadvantage in higher education and in business, see Ratuva (2014) and Naidu et al. (2013).

  16. 16.

    While the UN contemplated stopping the use of RFMF in peacekeeping because of the coups and human rights violations in Fiji, and pressure from Australia and New Zealand, there has never been any significant disruption in the use by the UN of Fiji peacekeepers.

  17. 17.

    A constitutional acceptable solution would have been to reconvene the Parliament and seek the appointment of a prime minister and ministers from elected MPs.

  18. 18.

    The Great Council of Chiefs (GCC) was the apex body of the indigenous Fijian administration that deliberated on all matters that related to the well-being of Taukei. It had existed since 1876, and it nominated 14 of the 32 members of the Senate. The GCC was seen as safeguarding Taukei interests including land and natural resource ownership.

  19. 19.

    For instance, the iTaukei Lands Affairs Board.

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Naidu, V. (2019). Moving Towards a More Multiethnic Fiji Military Forces. In: Ratuva, S., Compel, R., Aguilar, S. (eds) Guns & Roses: Comparative Civil-Military Relations in the Changing Security Environment. Palgrave Macmillan, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-2008-8_7

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