Abstract
The July 2017 end of the 13-year 2003–17 Regional Assistance Mission to Solomon Islands (RAMSI) presents an opportunity to look back at what this achieved, how the mission was constituted, and how it compares with other contemporary so-called state-building missions in places like Kosovo, Bosnia, Iraq, Sierra Leone, and East Timor. In other settings, intervention missions rebuilt security forces from scratch. In Solomon Islands, which had no domestic military forces, the initial surge in the foreign military presence was short-lived. Over the 13 years as a whole, the policing operation was the core focus of RAMSI (despite much propaganda emphasis on the civilian components). RAMSI pursued a ‘two forces’ model, with key objectives of the mission being delivered by an organisationally separate ‘Participating Police Force’ (PPF), largely comprising officers from the Australian Federal Police (AFP) force. In the initial phases of RAMSI, the Royal Solomon Islands Police Force (RSIPF) was largely left on the sidelines, encouraging a deep sense of demoralisation among the senior officers. Over the longer run, the RSIPF was reconstituted, with a new generation of younger officers emerging. Major disturbances accompanying the 2006 election, and more sporadic public order breakdowns thereafter, encouraged Australia to extend the policing operation beyond the termination of the military component and, in 2013, beyond the end of the civilian parts of RAMSI. This chapter assesses the initial core organisational framing choices of RAMSI, examines what has been achieved, and asks what the likely legacy will be.
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Notes
- 1.
The short-lived International Force East Timor (INTERFET) Operation from 20 September 1999 until 28 February 2000 (when authority was handed to UNTAET) was also Australian-led, but INTERFET was focused on peacekeeping, not state reconstruction. The Australian military returned to East Timor in 2006, again not under UN auspices.
- 2.
Judges frequently did not recognise criminal actions to have come under the terms of the Amnesty Acts, and thus refused applications (see e.g. High Court of Solomon Islands 2008). There are only two reported cases in which amnesty was granted by the courts: Nokia v Regina (on appeal it was Regina v Maga) and R v Lusibaea, Bartlett, Kili and Fioga, although there exists no record of the latter in the High Court Registry.
- 3.
PPF Commander Paul Osborne (Personal Communication 31.7.13).
- 4.
Data from RSIPF, 23 April 2014.
- 5.
PPF Commander Paul Osborne (Personal Communication 31.7.13).
- 6.
The problem of low skill levels among deployed police officers is still more intense in most UN CIVPOL operations (Caplan 2006, 56).
- 7.
Unlike later surveys, the 2006 one offered ‘yes’ (24.8%), ‘no’ (63.4%), and ‘partial’ (10.3%) answers to this question.
- 8.
In February 2004, the Australian government announced the formation of an AFP International Deployment Group to ‘fight terrorism, transnational organized crime and contribute to regional peacekeeping missions’ (Ellison 2004).
- 9.
I am indebted to Sinclair Dinnen and David Bayley for advice in seeking out models of ‘best practice’ in internationally orchestrated police reconstruction missions.
- 10.
Call argues that ‘the so-called root causes, like poverty and unemployment, are risk factors that shape outcomes, but not in themselves indicators of peacebuilding success or failure’ (Call 2008, 174).
- 11.
That some parts of the state machinery, such as Inland Revenue collection or customs, were administered by expatriates is not the same as sharing sovereignty (see Loughlin 2003).
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Fraenkel, J. (2019). The Role of the Military and Police in the Regional Assistance Mission to Solomon Islands. In: Ratuva, S., Compel, R., Aguilar, S. (eds) Guns & Roses: Comparative Civil-Military Relations in the Changing Security Environment. Palgrave Macmillan, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-2008-8_13
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