Skip to main content
SpringerLink
Log in

Modality Without Modals: The Case of Interrogatives in Early Vernacular Texts

  • Chapter
  • First Online:
New Perspectives on Aspect and Modality in Chinese Historical Linguistics

Part of the book series: Frontiers in Chinese Linguistics ((FiCL,volume 5))

  • 351 Accesses

Abstract

When researching the system of interrogative sentences and interrogative pronouns in early vernacular Chinese texts (early 白話 báihuà), one is surprised about the richness of rhetorical sentence patterns and the large array of question pronouns employed in the textual material. This is especially true of texts which feature a large number of dialogues, such as the 語錄 yǔlù (Recorded Sayings) literature of the early 禪 Chán School. In this paper I will analyze some aspects of this complex system, with an emphasis on the 10th century 祖堂集 Zǔtáng jí (Collection of the Patriarchs’ Hall; short: ZTJ). As will be demonstrated, rhetorical questions are an essential part of the system of modal markers in this type of literature.

This is a preview of subscription content, log in via an institution to check access.

Access this chapter

Log in via an institution
Chapter
USD 29.95
Price excludes VAT (USA)
  • Available as PDF
  • Read on any device
  • Instant download
  • Own it forever
eBook
USD 39.99
Price excludes VAT (USA)
  • Available as EPUB and PDF
  • Read on any device
  • Instant download
  • Own it forever
Hardcover Book
USD 54.99
Price excludes VAT (USA)
  • Durable hardcover edition
  • Dispatched in 3 to 5 business days
  • Free shipping worldwide - see info

Tax calculation will be finalised at checkout

Purchases are for personal use only

Institutional subscriptions

Notes

  1. 1.

    In ZTJ, ca. 45 different interrogative pronouns are used, with significant differences in frequencies. For this study, only a small set of interrogatives and question sentence patterns of ZTJ will be considered. For a very good comprehensive study, see Ye (2010); see also Zhang (2003: 124–239).

  2. 2.

    For this paper, the mimeographic edition of ZTJ (Yanagida 1984) is used (punctuation is added).

  3. 3.

    Compare the notion of “church language” of Nattier (1990) with respect to varieties of BHC.

  4. 4.

    Originally, 亦復然 yì fúrán was used for translating Skr. tathā ‘(be) such’ (Hirakawa 1997: 91); other possibilities to convey the same meaning would have been 亦復如是 yì fù rú shì or 亦然 yìrán, but the two phrases would have distorted the 4 + 3 characters rhythm. The earliest source of 只與摩/只與麼 zhĭ yùmó is probably ZTJ; the expression became popular in the Sòng period and later Chán literature. We find another variation in the Yuánwù Fóguŏ chánshī yŭlú 圓悟佛果禪師語錄 (T47n1997_p0764b24–25: 七佛已前也不恁麼。七佛已後也不恁麼). In these phrases, (不)恁麼 (bù) rènmó—a Sòng Dynasty innovation—is used for ‘(not) be like this.’.

  5. 5.

    If not otherwise indicated, all translations are mine.

  6. 6.

    For a short overview of relevant literature, see Rexach (1998).

  7. 7.

    According to Ye (2010: 188), monosyllabic hé accounts for 313 instances of RQ in ZTJ, whereas hé compounds are usually used in regular wh-questions (except 何處 héchù which also appears relatively frequently in RQ). Interestingly, the high-frequency pronoun rúhé only appears three times in RQ (ibid.: 177)! In this paper, only a very limited number of RQ patterns can be discussed; for an extensive treatment, see ibid.: 171–237.

  8. 8.

    Rhetorical questions with hé in combination with modal verb dé 得 have been used since EMC.

  9. 9.

    Another rhetorical pattern with roots in AC is hé zēng 何曾 + VP (‘has it ever happened that… > it has never happened that…’). In ZTJ there is also one example where the pattern combines with the vernacular phrase 那作摩 nà zuò mó, roughly corresponding to MM 那(這麼)怎麼(樣) nà (zhème) zěnme(yàng), probably in order to give additional emphasis to the negation of the VP. In order to illustrate this function, the example is provided in its context: 僧問: “如何是本來事?” 師曰: “汝因何從我覓?” 進曰: “不從師覓, 如何即得?” 師曰: “何曾失卻那作摩?” Sēng wèn: “rúhé shì běnlái shì?” shī yuē: “rǔ yīnhé cóng wǒ mì?” jìn yuē: “bù cóng shī mì, rúhé jí dé?” shī yuē: “hé zēng shī-què nà zuòmó” A monk asked: “How about the original matter?” The master said: “Why are you seeking it from me?” The monk continued asking: “If I do not seek it from you, how shall I attain it then?” The master said: “Have you ever lost it?! (> you have certainly never lost it!)” (ZTJ 1.053).

  10. 10.

    Certain early medieval texts have a higher frequency of usage, such as the 論衡 Lùnhéng (see Peyraube and Wu 2000: 325 for frequencies), whereas it is very rare in texts such as 漢書 Hànshū, 漢史外傳 Hànshǐ wàizhuàn, 世說新語 Shìshuō xīnyǔ, 百喻經 Báiyù jīng, etc. (see Anderl 2004, vol. 1: 195, fn. 584)

  11. 11.

    The pattern rúhé + COP + NP/VP is used more than 500 times in ZTJ. Other usages comprise of preverbal usage (‘how to VP’) and as predicate of a noun phrase (‘how is NP’; this is a continuation of the typical AC usage, however, it is rather rarely used in ZTJ).

  12. 12.

    This phrase has a very high frequency, close to 950 times in CBETA. However, most examples appear in a rather small number of texts.

  13. 13.

    E.g., in the Chuándēng lù (“Transmission of the Lamp”) genre, the Xù chuándēng lù (T.51, no. 2077) yields a frequency of ca. 2000, and the Jĭngdé chuándēng lù 景德傳燈錄 (T.51, no. 2076) even close to 3000 (both texts are similar in structure to the ZTJ). A middle-sized Recorded Sayings Chán text such as the Dàhuì Pŭjué chánshī yǔlù 大慧普覺禪師語錄 (T.47, no. 1998A) features more than 400 usages of rúhé! The “vernacular” 作麼生, the Sòng version of the pronoun, has a frequency of ca. 20,000 in CBETA, nearly all of them appearing in later non-canonical Buddhist commentary and Chán literature, in addition to the canonized Chán Transmission (chuándēng lù 傳燈錄) literature of the Sòng period.

  14. 14.

    However, possibly rúhé was still used regionally in the spoken language of that time. In formal written MM rúhé is still frequently used.

  15. 15.

    For the great variety of the usage of hé compounds in early BHC translation literature, see Karashima (2012: 214–227). Among those already mentioned above there were also 何從 hécóng, 何從所 hécóngsuŏ for ‘why,’ 何等所 hédĕngsuǒ ‘what; who,’ 何而 hé’ér ‘what; how,’ 何其 héqí ‘why,’ 何謂 héwèi ‘what, what kind,’ 何因 héyīn, 何緣 héyuán, 何因緣 hé yīnyúan ‘for what reason; how,’ etc. (for Eastern Hàn innovations in Buddhists texts concerning interrogatives, see also Yú and Gù 2013: 158–159) For patterns with interrogatives and modal verbs, see also Aldridge (2013).

  16. 16.

    In ZTJ, in particular héchù is also employed in rhetorical questions, e.g.: 看方不服藥,病從何處除? kàn fāng bù fú yào, bìng cóng héchù chú? “Seeing a prescription and not taking the medicine, from where (i.e., how) can the disease be cured?!” (> the disease certainly cannot be cured) (ZTJ 4.106). 什摩處 shímóchù does not appear in ZTJ but is attested in Transformation Texts.

  17. 17.

    Hésuǒ was also used in the meaning ‘what,’ ‘which,’ ‘who.’

  18. 18.

    Based on Anderl 2017: 690–691; reconstructed changes in the phonology are based on Jiang Shaoyu 1994: 142. Most probably, the final stop [–t] had disappeared during the late 9th or early 10th century (possibly, the 入聲 rùshēng had indeed already disappeared considerably earlier in the regions around the capitals of the Táng). This is also supported by the fact that the first phoneme of the dissyllabic interrogative could not only be represented by 是 [−t] or 甚 [−m], but also by characters which (originally) had a final [−p]. According to Jiang Lansheng (1995: 181) [−p] might have changed in [−m] during the 9th century. Note that the form 什麼 is relatively rare in extant Sòng dynasty and later Chán literature, and 什摩 continued to be used as “frozen form.” In Dūnhuáng material we sometimes also find the homophonous mó 謨 (as in 甚謨 shènmó; Stein 2669). In the Transformation Texts, the monosyllabic 甚 shèn was preferred as a vernacular interrogative for ‘what’ (with only a few instances of 甚生 shènshēng, 甚沒 shènmò  and 甚摩 shènmó). Note that monosyllabic hé also has a high frequency in the Transformation Texts, as compared to compounds with it (for frequencies of interrogative pronouns in the Transformation Texts, see Wu (2004: 16–26). As such—although temporally close to each other—the systems of interrogative in the biànwén and early yǔlù literature differ quite significantly from each other!

  19. 19.

    The structure 還 hái + VP +也無 yĕ-wú has a very high frequency in ZTJ (more than 1000 times), marking yes/no-questions. Contrary to the opinion suggested by some scholars, hái does not convey any modality in these phrases, but is an adverbial question marker in these sentences.

  20. 20.

    By contrast to 是何 shì hé ‘be what,’ which does not seem to be acceptable in ZTJ (何 has to appear in adnominal or adverbial position). However, there are some cases of shì hé in the semi-vernacular Dūnhuáng material (e.g., 君是何? jūn shì hé “What/who are you, Sir?” 太子成道經 Tàizĭ chéngdào jīng, ms. Pelliot 2999r).

  21. 21.

    The following passage is equally complex: “古人道: X =/‘道有道無, 二謗’/, 請師除[X]。” 師曰: “正無一物, 除個什摩?” (ZTJ 1.053) gǔrén dào: dào yŏu dào wú, èr bàng, qĭng shī chú. shī yuē: zhèng wú yī wù, chú gè shímó? ‘A person of old (i.e., a former master) said: “To state ‘exist’ and to state ‘not-exist’ (i.e., qualifying phenomena as either existing or non-existing) constitutes a twofold slander. I beg you to resolve [this].” The master said: “There is truly not a single thing (i.e., no phenomena to qualify) at all, what is there to resolve/remove?”’ Based on the proposition there is not a single thing, any possible object of chú is excluded, including X. The rhetorical question chú gè shímó emphatically asserts that. Therefore, here, although the wh-phrase is also preceded by a negated VP, the negative polarity of the interrogative is not canceled out.

  22. 22.

    On a theoretical discussion concerning the interpretation of rhetorical questions, see for example Han (1998). However, the wh-interrogative questions in ZTJ, especially those with shímó, are much more complex and difficult to interpret than the examples cited by Han.

  23. 23.

    In order to facilitate the analysis of the passage, I tentatively parsed it in several sections and numbered subsections.

  24. 24.

    I ignore [2.3], since it does not fit into the structure of the dialogue. I think it was mistakenly inserted there since the “counting” is treated in [2.5].

  25. 25.

    In the dialogues of ZTJ, zhè-gè is indeed used quite frequently as derogatory form of address.

Abbreviations

?!:

Indicates a rhetorical question

AC:

Ancient Chinese (pre-Hàn Chinese)

ASP:

Aspectual marker/aspect

BHC:

Buddhist Hybrid Chinese

c.:

Century

COP:

Copula

DIR:

Directional complement

EMC:

Early Medieval Chinese

freq.:

Frequency

LMC:

Late Medieval Chinese

MC:

Medieval Chinese

MM:

Modern Mandarin

MOD:

Modal adverb/modal marker

MP:

Modal (final) particle

MV:

Modal verb

Q:

Question marker

RQ:

Rhetorical question

T:

See Takakusu (1922–1933)

ZTJ:

See Yanagida (1984)

References

  • Aldridge, Edith. 2013. Survey of chinese historical syntax part II: Middle Chinese. Language and Linguistics Compass 7(1):58–77.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Anderl, Christoph. 2004. Studies in the language of Zu-tang ji, vol. 1. Oslo: Unipub.

    Google Scholar 

  • Anderl, Christoph. 2006. Notes on the development of modal verbs and their functions in Late Middle Chinese texts. In Chinese Linguistics in Budapest, ed. Redouane Djamouri and Rint Sybesma, 17–32. Paris: Centre des Recherches Linguistique sur l’Asie Orientale.

    Google Scholar 

  • Anderl, Christoph. 2017. Medieval Chinese syntax. In Encyclopedia of Chinese language and Linguistics, vol. 2. ed. Rint Sybesma et al., 689–703. Leiden: Brill.

    Google Scholar 

  • CBETA: See http://www.cbeta.org/.

  • Chu, Xiang 項楚. 2006. An annotated selection of transformation texts 敦煌變文選注. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company.

    Google Scholar 

  • Dūnbó: Dunhuang manuscripts preserved at the library in Dunhuang (The Dunhuang Museum).

    Google Scholar 

  • Han, Chung-Hye. 1998. Deriving the interpretation of rhetorical questions. Proceedings of WCCFL 16: 1–17.

    Google Scholar 

  • Hirakawa, Akira. 1997. A Buddhist Chinese-Sanskrit dictionary. Tokyo: The Reiyukai.

    Google Scholar 

  • Jiang, Shaoyu 蒋绍愚. 1994. A survey study on early Mandarin 近代汉语研究概况. Beijing: Peking University Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Jiang, Lansheng 江蓝生. 1995. On the common origin of me and men 说’麽’与’们’同源. Chinese Language 中國語文 3: 180–190.

    Google Scholar 

  • Karashima, Seishi. 2012. A glossary of Lokakṣema’s translation of the Aṣṭasāhasrikā Prajñāpāramitā 道行般若經詞典. Digital version: Digital Archives Section, Library and Information Center of Dharma Drum Buddhist College 法鼓佛教學院 圖書資訊館 數位典藏組.

    Google Scholar 

  • Nattier, Jan. 1990. Church language and vernacular Language in Central Asian Buddhism. Numen XXXVII, Fasc. 2: 196–219.

    Google Scholar 

  • Pelliot: Dunhuang manuscripts preserved at the Bibliothèque Nationale de France, Pelliot Collection.

    Google Scholar 

  • Peyraube, Alain, and Fuxiang Wu 贝罗贝, 吴福祥. 2000. Development and evolution of interrogative pronouns in Archaic Chinese 上古汉语疑问代词的发展与演变. Chinese Language 中国语文 4: 311–326.

    Google Scholar 

  • Pulleyblank, Edwin G. 1995. Outline of classical Chinese grammar. Vancouver: UBC Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Rexach, Javier Gutiérrez. 1998. Rhetorical questions, relevance and scales. Revista Alicantina de Estudios Ingleses 11: 139–155.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Sadock, Jerrold. 1971. Towards a Linguistic theory of speech acts. New York: Academic Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Stein: Dunhuang manuscripts preserved at the British Library, Stein Collection.

    Google Scholar 

  • Takakusu, Junjirō, ed. 1922–1933. Taishō shinshū daizōkyō 大正新修大蔵経 [Revised edition of the Buddhist Canon in the Taishō-era], vol. 100. Tokyo: Daizō shuppan kai.

    Google Scholar 

  • Wèi Peiquan 魏培泉. 2000. The role of the Eastern Hàn, Wèi, Jìn, and Northern and Southern dynasties periods in the historical development of syntax 東漢魏晉南北朝在語法史上的地位. Hànxué yánjiū 漢學研究 18: 199–230.

    Google Scholar 

  • Wèi Péiquán 魏培泉. 2003. Shànggŭ hànyŭ dào zhōnggŭ hànyŭ yŭfă de zhòngyào fāzhăn [Important grammatical developments from Archaic to Medieval Chinese] 上古漢語到中古漢語語法的重要發展. In Opening up a passage between ancient and modern: The history and development of Chinese 古今通塞: 漢語的歷史與發展, 75–106. Taipei: Institute of Linguistics, Academia Sinica.

    Google Scholar 

  • Wèi, Peiquan 魏培泉. 2004. Research in the personal pronouns of the Hàn, Wèi, and six dynasties periods 漢魏六朝稱代詞研究. Taipei: Institute of Linguistics, Academia Sinica.

    Google Scholar 

  • Wu, Fuxiang 吴福祥. 2004. Twelve studies on the grammar of the Dūnhuáng transformation texts 敦煌变文12种语法研究. Kaifeng, Henan University Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Yanagida, Seizan 柳田聖山 (ed.). 1975. Transmissions of the treasure Grove Hōrinden 寶林傳. Zengaku sōsho 禪學叢書 5. Kyōto: Chūbun shuppansha.

    Google Scholar 

  • Yanagida, Seizan (ed.). 1984. Sodōshū 祖堂集. Zengaku sōsho 禪學叢書 4. Kyōto: Chūmon shuppansha.

    Google Scholar 

  • Ye, Jianjun 叶建军. 2010. A study of interrogative sentences in Zŭtáng jí 祖堂集疑问句研究. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company.

    Google Scholar 

  • Yu, Liming, and Manlin Gu 俞理明, 顾满林. 2013. A study on the neologisms of the Buddhist and Taoist scriptures in Eastern Han Dynasty 东汉佛道文献新质研究. Beijing: The Commercial Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Zhang, Meilan 张美兰. 2003. A study of the syntax of Zŭtáng jí《祖堂集》语法研究. Beijing: The Commercial Press.

    Google Scholar 

Download references

Author information

Authors and Affiliations

  1. Ghent University, Ghent, Belgium

    Christoph Anderl

Authors
  1. Christoph Anderl
    View author publications

    You can also search for this author in PubMed Google Scholar

Corresponding author

Correspondence to Christoph Anderl .

Editor information

Editors and Affiliations

  1. National Tsing Hua University, Institute of Linguistics, Hsinchu, Taiwan

    Barbara Meisterernst

Rights and permissions

Reprints and permissions

Copyright information

© 2019 Peking University Press and Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd.

About this chapter

Check for updates. Verify currency and authenticity via CrossMark

Cite this chapter

Anderl, C. (2019). Modality Without Modals: The Case of Interrogatives in Early Vernacular Texts. In: Meisterernst, B. (eds) New Perspectives on Aspect and Modality in Chinese Historical Linguistics. Frontiers in Chinese Linguistics, vol 5. Springer, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-1948-8_9

Download citation

  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-1948-8_9

  • Published:

  • Publisher Name: Springer, Singapore

  • Print ISBN: 978-981-13-1947-1

  • Online ISBN: 978-981-13-1948-8

  • eBook Packages: Social SciencesSocial Sciences (R0)

Publish with us

Policies and ethics

Search

Navigation