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The Tsunami and Its Aftermath: Resilience and Rupture of the Social Fabric Among the Nicobarese

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The Asian Tsunami and Post-Disaster Aid

Abstract

The Indian Ocean Tsunami that hit the coastal belt and island territories of several countries on 26th December 2004 had a devastating impact on the inhabitants of the Andaman and Nicobar islands. The ancient communities of the indigenous Nicobarese who inhabit the small and flat islands of the Nicobar group were perhaps the worst affected. They not only lost a larger proportion of their population than any other affected community, they also had to contend with the near complete obliteration of their cultural heritage. Before the tsunami, the Nicobarese were a good example of a cohesive, resource rich, pre-agricultural community, which, aided by a protective State policy, had managed to preserve its cultural identity by successfully negotiating the direction and pace of social change. However, today there are several challenges and dilemmas which confront this indigenous population. These arise not only out of the nature of ‘loss’ and ‘displacement’ suffered by the Nicobarese, due to the tsunami disaster, but also as a consequence of a whole gamut of ‘relief’ and ‘rehabilitation’ interventions launched by the State and non-State players. The community’s political organization, its social institutions of family and kinship, and the whole network of social relations which regulated economic activity and resource exploitation have been subjected to enormous stress and pressures. The disaster has also led to the resurfacing of issues related to land rights and entitlements. This chapter seeks to explore the issues related to the ‘loss’ and ‘displacement’—territorial, habitat, psychosocial, economic, political, and cultural—suffered by the Nicobarese on Katchal island and the strategies adopted by them in coping with this unprecedented situation. It also examines the impact—ideological, economic, and social—of the external interventions and the extent of resilience/transformation of traditional institutions in this context. In the light of this experience, the chapter attempts to outline policy issues and concerns which need to be addressed for ensuring a smooth post-disaster transition of remotely located, small, protected communities into the world of modern capitalist development.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    As a part of the Indo–Sri Lankan agreement of 1965, 48 Tamil speaking families of Indian origin, working in plantations in Sri Lanka, were brought to the island to work on a rubber plantation set up by the government. Their population has gradually increased and was close to 600 at the time of the disaster. Ranchis is the local name given to adivasi people brought to the islands as forest labour before and after Independence. Many of them came to Katchal between the 1960s and 1980s to work on the rubber plantation and elsewhere.

  2. 2.

    For instance: Vespasian, an 18-year-old orphan from Jhansin village had originally received INR 1 million as compensation. He had only INR 100,000 left in his account. Robert, a 25-year-old from West Bay, received INR 600,000 as compensation but had only INR 200,000 left. Japtha, 40 years, gave INR 130,000 to his son to ‘celebrate’ his vacations in Mumbai (earlier Bombay). His passbook showed a withdrawal trend of INR 30,000 every month. Mary used the compensation money to buy a jeep for her son from a local trader for INR 150,000. The vehicle broke down within a week, and the trader demanded INR 10,000 to fix it.

  3. 3.

    See Zubair Ahmed, ‘Our Mother Lona,’ Light of Andamans, 3 December 2007, 8.

  4. 4.

    Coconut plantations take about seven years for revival, if the land is not permanently submerged or completely degraded.

  5. 5.

    The Nicobarese prefer the local fowl known as ‘takniet hyum’ which is famed to be the highest producer of eggs per annum among Indian fowls and is easy to maintain. Similarly the indigenous pigs are also a unique breed which are not susceptible to common diseases. However, due to shortage of poultry and livestock after the disaster, mainland breeds like Vanaraja were initially distributed.

  6. 6.

    Historically, traders from passing vessels visited the Nicobars for barter trade of various kinds. The British gave permission to traders to reside and trade in different islands in the Nicobars. The Nicobars became out of bounds for Burmese and Malay traders after 1947 and for Indian non-tribal private traders after promulgation of ANPATR in 1956. ANPATR prohibits private trade in the Nicobars except by the Nicobarese themselves. To overcome this restriction, the Guajarati firm of Akoojee Jadwet started the practice of partnering with the local Nicobarese cooperative societies which enabled it to trade in the Nicobars. Such partnerships later became widespread and involved Nicobarese only for name’s sake. Moreover, government contractors and government employees started illicit shops and trading outlets in the Nicobars, the latter in their spouse’s names. Also some non-tribals married Nicobarese women and ran businesses in their names, especially in Katchal. The average Nicobarese’s exposure to monetary transactions is fairly recent and this, coupled with their fondness for fancy items and liquor, have often led them to being exploited by the non tribal traders. The acquisition of business skills by the Nicobarese will naturally break the trade monopoly of these handfuls of non-tribal traders. In Katchal, two non-tribal traders dominate all trade and exchange.

  7. 7.

    Rani Changa was the head of one of the five families which are considered to be the original landowners and inhabitants of Katchal Island since the period prior to the Japanese invasion. With the emergence of centralized political leadership in the Central Nicobars under Rani Ishlon, Changa was appointed as her deputy in Katchal, and this elevated her status considerably.

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Abid, M.A. (2018). The Tsunami and Its Aftermath: Resilience and Rupture of the Social Fabric Among the Nicobarese. In: Reddy, S. (eds) The Asian Tsunami and Post-Disaster Aid. Springer, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-0182-7_9

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  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-0182-7_9

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