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The Migration-Development-Security Nexus: In Search of New Perspectives in the Changing East Asian Context

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The Politics of Migration in Indonesia and Beyond

Abstract

This chapter is theoretical in nature, assessing the discourse on the nexus of migration, development and security, in East Asian contexts. It is aimed to critically scrutinise the development and genesis of a concept that increasingly became the dominant discourse in the academia and the policy circles, particularly in the northern rich industrialised countries. In the southern poor underdeveloped countries, strongly perceived as the source of evil, uncontrolled population growth, stagnant if not reverse economic development, communal and sectarian conflicts and wars; is a place that perceived both migrants and terrorism are originating and exported. Inequality between countries and regions should therefore be conceived as the crucial contexts in the search of viable perspective in the increasingly unequal world. While geographical exclusivity is getting irrelevant as information and communication technology connecting every places in the current globalised world, yet geographical proximity and regionalism apparently still matter. The chapter argued that traditional cross-border movement cannot be underestimated in East Asia, as well as in other parts of the world. The chapter proposed, in order to better understand the nexus of migration, development and security, an appreciation of a human being, and its freedom to move is critically important if a better world is really wanted to be realised for all human beings.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Migration, development and security are interdisciplinary subjects that generally are called ‘studies’. They have their own academic journals, their own scholar communities and professional organisations. Besides in their own academic journals, scholarly works on these three issues also appear in the journals of area studies, such as Asian Studies, Southeast Asian Studies, East Asian Studies or the Asia-Pacific Migration Journal.

  2. 2.

    Among the recent books on this theme is one published by the United Nations University Press Refugees and Forced Displacement: International Security, Human Vulnerability, and the State edited by Newman and Selm (2003) which directly focuses the analysis on the posssible roles of refugees and forced displacement—two forms of involuntary human mobility—on state and international security. The chapter on the discussion of human security by Astri Suhrke which represents a new discourse on security studies that attempts to shift the conventional security discourse from the state to the people is particularly interesting.

  3. 3.

    On the relationship of migration and development, a recent study by the Centre for Development Research (CDR) in Copenhagen is perhaps the most comprehensive one. The study aims to investigate the possibility of finding policy solutions to the pressing problems of immigration in the Nordic countries. This research team looks at the development dynamics in three countries of origin plagued by protracted conflict (Sri Lanka, Somalia and Afghanistan) and whether or not a link could be made to the increasing problem of refugees and asylum seekers in the rich destination countries. The full report of this study is accessible through www.cdr.dk and also appears in a special issue of International Migration, Volume 40(5), 2002, under the theme ‘The Migration-Development Nexus’. In an attempt to more directly focus on security issues instigated by the increasing immigration in the EU, a critical study on refugees, asylum seekers and immigration policy in the EU is conducted by Statewatch. See Europe in the World, especially Chapter Eight on migration, development and EU security, prepared by Ben Hayes and Tony Bunyan (2003) (www.statewatch.org).

  4. 4.

    David C. Kang in an article in International Security provides a succinct observation on the dilemma in applying Western concepts to the study of Asia . He claims: It is an open question whether Asia, with its very different political economy, history, culture, and demographics, will ever function like the European state system.. He further argues: this is not to criticise European-derived theories purely because they are based on the Western experience: The origins of a theory are not necessarily relevant to its applicability. Rather these theories do a poor job as they are applied to Asia. David C. Kang ‘Getting Asia Wrong’ (2003: 58).

  5. 5.

    The spread of diseases, such as HIV/AIDS, SARS, mad cow disease and bird flu, across nation-state boundaries particularly through human movements could be considered as one of the nontraditional security threats. Richard Holbrooke, former US Ambassador to the UN, in his recent article in The New York Times (10 February 2004) provocatively argues that AIDS would be the ultimate weapon of mass destruction if its vast spread cannot be properly checked.

  6. 6.

    Security as one of the basic human needs is an idea that originally came from Johan Galtung . See endnote 18 in this paper. For others, security is certainly not always viewed as the only goal or the most important one in all cases.

  7. 7.

    Myron Weiner’s article ‘Security, stability and international migration’ is of particular relevance on these issues. Weiner has written extensively on this topic; see the book he edited International Migration and Security (1993).

  8. 8.

    William Malley’s (2003) chapter on ‘Reappraising the architecture of refugee protection’ is a very useful reference especially in providing the historical background of the international refugee laws and regulations.

  9. 9.

    See chapters on IDPs in Indonesia by Irine Gayatri and on refugees and asylum seekers by William O’Malley.

  10. 10.

    Cernea’s books, among others, Resettlement and Development (1998) and The Economics of Involuntary Resettlement: Questions and Challenges (1999) are the most comprehensive references on this topic.

  11. 11.

    Massey et al. (1998) Worlds in Motion: Understanding International Migration at the End of the Millennium.

  12. 12.

    See, for example, the Peter van der Veer edited book on the politics of space in the South Asian diaspora (1995), Alejandro Portes (1995) Transnational Communities: Their Emergence and Significance in the Contemporary World-System and Thomas Faist (1999) Transnationalisation in International Migration: Implications for the Study of Citizenship and Culture.

  13. 13.

    Ulf Hannerz (1989) and Appadurai (1996)

  14. 14.

    According to Waites (1999: xiii), the United States and the Soviet Union could plausibly represent themselves as leading two ‘worlds’, with different social and political systems and ideologies whose antagonism was so pervasive as to exclude all possibility of neutrality. In these critical circumstances, where humanity’s future seems to lie either in a general war between Capitalism and Communism or in indefinite hostile coexistence, it was—Sauvy argues—too easy to ignore ‘tiers monde’ of ‘underdeveloped’ countries.

  15. 15.

    The founding members of the committee were Lucian W Pye, Guy J Pauker, Tailor Cole, Roy Macridis, George McTurnan Kahin and Gabriel Almond—Chair of the Committee from 1954 to 1963. It is worth noting that of the six founding members, Pye, Pauker and Kahin did most or all of their work on Southeast Asia . However, while the first two continued to play a key role in both the committee and the government-political development theory nexus, Kahin (who was a key figure in the consolidation of Southeast Asian Studies) was eased off the committee within a few years of its establishment.(Berger 2003: 427).

  16. 16.

    Since the beginning, modernisation theory has always been challenged by its critics, such as ‘dependency’ theorists that flourished in the 1970s and in the 1980s by ‘world-system’ theorists. Recently, apart from the introduction of a new version of modernisation theory that is called ‘Washington Consensus’, another broad perspective of development is emerging under the banner of ‘economic globalisation’ theories.

  17. 17.

    A contending perspective on the discourse on the controversies of population growth in India is provided by Mahmood Mamdani, an anthropologist, who wrote a small but influential book Myth of Population Control, arguing that the causality of population control and economy is not that clear as Cole and Hover have demonstrated (Mamdani 1973).

  18. 18.

    According to Chimni, the three migration-development regimes and related policy logics are (1) closure and containment, aimed at control of migrants and refugees , (2) selectivity towards immigration and development support and (3) liberalisation and transnationalism in the fields of labour mobility, diaspora activities and refugee protection.

  19. 19.

    Galtung provided a thought provoking talk in a workshop on ‘human security and area studies’, organised by the Research Institute of Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa , in Tokyo, 10 January 2004. According to Galtung, the discussion on human security in fact started long ago when the UN introduced the concept of basic human needs, but this concept has lost its significance as many states are not interested and have moved towards more fancy concepts such as sustainable development. Besides, this human security concept, according to Galtung, is now irrelevant in the wake of the United States’ invasion of Afghanistan and Iraq which reflects the fragility of human security in the face of violence committed by the strong states against people in the weak states.

  20. 20.

    Michael Cernea terms the people who were affected by development projects as ‘development oustees’ (Cernea (1996) Bridging the Research Divide: Studying Development Oustees).

  21. 21.

    The Economist, 19 November 1999, ‘Water power in Asia : The dry facts about dams’. Also a recent article by W Courtland Robinson, ‘Minimising Development Induced Displacement’, Migration Information Source, published by MPI (Migration Policy Institute), January, 2004. Another scholar, Castles and Miller (2003) calls the people displaced by development ‘development displacees’.

  22. 22.

    For a useful reference on the impact of globalisation on security in East Asia before the events of 11 September 2001, see among others Peter Van Ness’ ‘Globalisation and Security in East Asia’, in Asian Perspective, Vol. 23, No. 4, 1999: 315–342.

  23. 23.

    William O’Malley, ‘Asylum Seekers and Refugees ’, 2005.

  24. 24.

    Johan Galtung , ‘Violence, Peace, and Peace Research’, Journal of Peace Research 6, (1969): 170–171.

  25. 25.

    It should be noted that the concept of human security was first introduced by a task force led by the Canadian Foreign Affairs Minister focusing on freedom from fear but since 1997 has been reconceptualised—mostly by Asian countries—into freedom from want. The idea of human security has rapidly attracted many interpretations and practically no consensus on its fundamental concept. Among the good reviews on the contending perspectives of human security can be seen, for example, in Kanti Bajpai’s ‘The Idea of Human security’ in International Studies, February 2003 and Roland Paris’ ‘Human Security: Paradigm Shift or Hot Air?’ in International Security, Vol. 26, No. 2 (Fall 2001): 87–102.

  26. 26.

    Jason L Finkle and Barbara B Crane (1975) provide a comprehensive analysis on the politics of world population conference in Bucharest in the first issue of the new journal published by the Population Council in New York Population and Development Review. Since then Jason L Finkle has regularly provided analysis on the politics of subsequent World Population Conferences (Mexico City, 1984 and Cairo, 1994).

  27. 27.

    An example of research work on rural-urban migration is a book by Jack Caldwell (1969) African Rural-Urban Migration: The Movement to Ghana’s Towns. A contending Marxist explanation is given by Samir Amin (1974) in his book Modern migration in Western Africa .

  28. 28.

    Weiner, Myron 1978, Sons of the Soil: Migration and Ethnic Conflict in India . Princeton University Press, Princeton.

  29. 29.

    See Weiner’s contributing chapter ‘Political Demography: An Inquiry into the Political Consequences of Population Change’, in Rapid Population Growth: Consequences and Policy Implications (1971): 567–617. National Academy of Sciences, the John Hopkins University, Baltimore.

  30. 30.

    In 1998, Weiner invited the author to join a workshop at MIT to discuss the broad theme of ‘demography and security’. The papers presented at this workshop were published in 2001 by Berghahn titled Demography and National Security. The author’s chapter in this book discusses the security aspects of transmigration policy in Indonesia (Tirtosudarmo 2001).

  31. 31.

    For a discussion on SSF in Southeast Asian contexts , see Tirtosudarmo (2000).

  32. 32.

    Among the prominent scholars working on this theme are Ted Robert Gurr and Donald L Horowitz. A study on Malaysia clearly shows how emigration of unskilled labourers from Indonesia, the Philippines , Pakistan and Bangladesh has implications for national stability and security because of the high sensitivity of the racial balance in that country (Abdullah 1997).

  33. 33.

    See among others studies by Gurr (1993, 2000), Stewart (2001), Horowitz (2001) and Varshney (2003).

  34. 34.

    Robert Kaplan has traveled extensively in many ‘trouble spots’ in the ‘third world ’. His famous article, ‘The Coming Anarchy’, appeared in the Atlantic Monthly in 1994. Several books published by Kaplan focus on the contagious effects of deteriorating social fabrics in the Third World which he argues should sound the alarm for the rich-Western countries, prompting them to take more serious action.

  35. 35.

    Among the contending views on both Homer-Dixon and Kaplan’s arguments that relate population-environmental variables and violence and conflicts is a book Violent Environment, edited by Michael Watts and Nancy Peluso (2001).

  36. 36.

    Globalisation, in broad terms, refers to the reshaping of political, economic and cultural boundaries in relation to the expansion of the world capitalist market and its production and consumption patterns, the growth of forms and networks of communication and the widening of political associations and movements. International relations, academically and practically, has been centrally concerned with questions of political control over territorially defined spaces, and the contests, including those of the most violent kind, for that control (Youngs 1999: 2).

  37. 37.

    For a critical politico-economic analysis on the connection of globalisation and security in the East Asian region, see Critical Asian Studies Journal, Vol. 36, No. 3:383–404, 2004. Several authors, among others Richard Robison (2004) and Richard Higgott (2004), discuss the emergence of neo-liberal globalisation and its impact on the capitalist development in Southeast and East Asian regions following the 1997–1998 monetary crisis and the War on Terror that was launched after the 11 September 2001 event.

  38. 38.

    According to Castles (2000), scholars generally conclude that ‘Asia is different’ and that labour migration will not lead to major social and cultural changes in sending or receiving countries. There are two main reasons for this: First, the volume of migration relative to population is generally lower in East Asia than in Western countries which is thought to reduce social and cultural impact, and second, legal frameworks and policy settings differ. Important factors in turning temporary migration into settlement in Western countries included strong legal and human rights guarantees, which facilitated family reunion and hindered large-scale deportations in the 1970s and 1980s, even when migrant labour was no longer wanted. Moreover, strong welfare states encouraged further immigration and settlement, despite poor employment prospects. Such factors are generally seen as absent in East Asia.

  39. 39.

    See Yongyuth Chalamwong on Thailand (2005), Rufa Cagoco-Guiam on the Philippines (2005) and Sidney Jones on Jemaah Islamiah (JI) networks (2005).

  40. 40.

    For a good review of state policy responses on trafficking in Southeast Asia (including China’s Yunnan province), see Annuska Derks Combating Trafficking in Southeast Asia (IOM Publication, 2002). Japan is considered by IOM as one of the countries plagued by rampant trafficking in women recruited for its lucrative sex industries. See ‘Japan: pink heaven for traffickers’, The Japan Times, 1 February 2004.

  41. 41.

    See Ralf Emmers on human trafficking (2005) and Tri Nuke Pudjiastuti on illegal migrant workers (2005).

  42. 42.

    It is interesting to note that the timing of the Malaysian government’s tough immigration policy towards foreign migrant workers coincidently occurred with the US-led campaign on the War on Terror. The harsh response was instigated: firstly by the downturn of economic development during the 1997 financial crisis and secondly by the fear that increasing numbers of illegal migrants would become the breeding ground for radical Muslim groups in Malaysia. Yet the mass deportation of undocumented workers has resulted in the humanitarian crisis in Nunukan and a plea by plantation owners for the workers to come back as the deportation caused a crisis in the plantation industry (Chapter 10 in this book). The Malaysian case provides clear evidence on the relationships between migration, development and security. I owe this observation to Sidney Jones.

  43. 43.

    These phenomena of undocumented migrant workers are also found in Japan and South Korea and have become an alarming immigration-security concern for the respective governments.

  44. 44.

    A good example is the arrival in Italy and Greece in late 1997 and the beginning of 1998 of significant numbers of Iraqi Kurds, who had traveled by sea from Turkey; this galvanised the EU into the drafting of an action plan to ensure that such an influx didn’t recur (Ben Hayes and Tony Bunyan, www.statewatch.org). In the Asian context, the Vietnamese boat people that fled to neighbouring countries after the fall of Saigon to North Vietnam in 1974 is an example of how a migration ‘influx’ creates security threats. Perhaps Australia is the only country in Asia that recurrently experiences security threats from illegal immigration. The Tampa Incident in 2001 provides a good case of an intricate connection between immigration, national security and domestic politics in Australia.

  45. 45.

    See, for example, a pioneering study on this issue by Ashok Swain (1996) ‘Environmental migration and conflict dynamics: focus on developing regions’ and a more recent warning by the prominent ecologist Lester R. Brown in his article ‘New Flows of Environmental Refugees Troubling’ in The Daily Yomiuri, Sunday, 22 February 2004. A recent, not much publicised report by the Pentagon to President Bush strongly warns that the probable climate change over 20 years could result in a global catastrophe costing millions of lives in wars and natural disasters (The Observer, 22 February 2004).

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Tirtosudarmo, R. (2018). The Migration-Development-Security Nexus: In Search of New Perspectives in the Changing East Asian Context. In: The Politics of Migration in Indonesia and Beyond. Springer, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-9032-5_12

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