Abstract
Before the end of our discussion, we need to reflect on a broader penetration process of the state modern construction in rural areas. Since the disintegration of the late Qing Empire, the goal of nation-state building as a manifestation of modernity has been gradually realized in China.
Emancipatory politics involves two main elements: the effort to shed shackles of the past, there by permitting a transformative attitude towards the future; and the aim of overcoming the illegitimate domination of some individuals or groups by others. The first of these objectives fosters the positive dynamic impetus of modernity.
Giddens (1991, pp. 210–211)
This is a preview of subscription content, log in via an institution to check access.
Access this chapter
Tax calculation will be finalised at checkout
Purchases are for personal use only
Notes
- 1.
In Li Village where I conducted the study, an opera stage was built 10 years ago, above which these words are hanging.
- 2.
Under the overall objective of “ruled by law ”, a number of scholars are trying to deduce a way to transform people’s ideas from the academic perspective. It is most notable that some scholars advocating Chinese modernization theories think naively that when people’s ideas are changed into modern indicators as they imagine, China’s modernization will be realized. For the construction of the “ruled by law ” in China, Zhang Zhuo advocated that Chinese people should have “modern legal awareness and rational spirit”. Only in this way, could China’s legal modernization be achieved. As he said: “A modern legal society doesn’t only set up a comprehensive legislation and legal authority. More importantly, it requires citizens to form modern legal awareness and rational spirit gradually in the process of socialization. Only when legal awareness has really penetrated into people’s heart, can they consciously act in accordance with the law and deal with issues rationally” (Zhang 1992, p. 113).
- 3.
These are four characteristics of rural China in the 1930s summarized by the Chinese rural reformism while different reformists call them differently. For example, “Dingxianping Church” considered it as “stupid”, “poor”, “weak” and “private”; “the National Association of Vocational Education of China” called it “poor”, “stupid”, “weak” and “loose”; “Zouping Institute of Rural Reconstruction” summarized these four points as one: the backwardness and confusion of Chinese rural area is due to “the recession of the essence of inherent feudal ethical code” (Yefang 1983, p. 245).
- 4.
In a certain sense, “rural area” and “peasant” have been marginalized by ordinary people and even scholars, so they are pushed out of vision. In their discourse narrative system, rural area is still a place that needs transformation by the state economic elites and the power elites. In a series of studies on the so-called “Chinese civil society”, in order to reconstruct a theoretical system in the Western sense, Deng Zhenglai wittingly or unwittingly, excluded China’s rural areas and peasants from the field of Chinese civil society defined by him (1997). In his definition, a possible cultural hegemony implied (Gramsci 1979) was that the living field of Chinese peasants who accounted for more than 85% of the total population wasn’t the basis for the construction of civil society in China while it was precisely the cities occupied by intellectuals or economic elites that had constructed the civil society. Isn’t this the logic in contradiction with an explanation paradox of the idea of “mass society” deep in the civil society? Deng Zhenglai defined Chinese “civil society” in this way: “The Chinese civil society is composed of independent individuals, groups, communities and interest groups which doesn’t include public officials, ruling Party organizations, military and police performing government functions with the identity of ‘national politicians’ or the self-sufficient pure peasants completely dependent on the land. In Chinese civil society, entrepreneurs and intellectuals are the backbone, because entrepreneurs are the major force of construction, development and improvement of the market economy. In market trading activities, entrepreneurs follow the contract rules, safeguard self-interests instinctively and treat others interests equally, so that they are carrying forward the equal contract spirit. Entrepreneurs know profoundly the importance of the negative side of freedom (free from external forces and from confusion of social chaos and disorders) in market economic activities, so that they are major power to maintain public order and civil society. Entrepreneurs hold substantial financial and material resources as the major state tax payers so that they are able to influence the national decision-making. The economic strength and status owned by entrepreneurs enable them to play a leading role in organizing and supporting various groups, associations and interest groups so that they are the leading strength of civil society organization. Chinese intellectuals generally have modern awareness and modern knowledge. Because of differentiation of social structure, some intellectuals change their roles and join in entrepreneurs actively, becoming the backbone power of guiding the healthy development of economy. Intellectuals staying out of the field of economic activities play an irreplaceable role in the education, enlightenment, culture construction, research, theoretical guidance, etc., so that they are intellectual sources and power resources to promote and lead the healthy development of civil social economy” (Deng 1997, pp. 6–7). From the perspective of history and etymology of political scientists, we can know that the concept of the so-called “civil society” actually refers to the “autonomous city commune ” of ancient Greek city-states and that of the Western later Middle Ages. In this society, the concept of “citizen” and “bourgeois” are the core (Chaohui 1994). Weber once claimed that “the ancient Western civilization by its very nature is essentially urban civilization” (Weber 1997a, b, p. 5). Therefore, the so-called Western “civil society” developing from urban civilization excluded peasants at the very beginning. If we only want to duplicate a Utopia of “civil society” in theory proposed by Western theorists, this is understandable. But the thinking error formed in the development of China which lasted for nearly a century was that due to the space-time conversion (Said 1983) and promotion from elites, theories were often incorporated into the construction of national ideology, and implemented as a guidance of practical activities such as national administration and policy-making. But the final result of practice showed that theories were more likely to be a debate in academic sense instead of the only basis of people’s action. What we are here again to discuss is whether Chinese rural is within the civil society. In this regard, British Sinology anthropologist Stephan Feuchtwang has proposed a question of whether Chinese rural area should be a field of the civil society and democracy through the investigation into the Dragon Temple Fair in Fanzhuang Village which is only 6 li from Li Village. As he put it: “Temple fair is this peasant tradition a system of Chinese peasant civil society? Are there any other systems? Does it have the potential for bewing the communication channels with the state? Does it have a base material of rural civil society?” (Feuchtwang 1997b, p. 15). He has given certain affirmation of such kind of problem in his exquisite analysis of the ritual symbolic significance and organizational mode of Dragons Temple Fair. Such evidence showed that Chinese rural area should no longer be excluded from the academic mainstream thinking while a deeper study would be a possible way of solving the above problem.
- 5.
One of the research focuses of Zhu Yong on the clan customary law in Qing Dynasty presupposed that all clan laws of Qing Dynasty actually belonged to feudalism . Even at the time of Republic of China, the so-called “civic awareness ” that matched the modern “democratic political system” hadn’t appeared yet. His preconception in the evaluation of clan law was actually a one-dimensional way of thinking, because he had ignored the functional significance of clan community. So he considered the revival of modern clan organization as “ideological remnants of feudalism ” (Yong 1987, p. 137), but the actual situation was more complex than this summary.
- 6.
From many studies on the customary law of different ethnic groups except the Han, it was more likely to see the opposition between the customary law and the state law (Xuehui 1998) with little regard for the interaction or mutual invention process between the transformation of the customary law within a particular ethnic group by the state law and the recognition of the customary law in the legal practice of state law.
- 7.
The “efficiency” discussed here actually refers to the effectiveness of the plan to restore social order by the mediator in disputes resolution. In other words, in rural area, the mediator is responsible for mediation and judgment, who hopes to find a very effective way to restore the rural social order as quickly as possible. Liu Zhenyun implied this point in his writing describing how a village head settled a variety of disputes in the late Qing Dynasty and in the early Republic of China in North China. He described one old-style village head in the novel Headman, who came up with the idea of “closing well” and “dying hair” to punish people who disturbed the order in rural community. I would like to show you some details as evidence: “… There was an adultery case in the village. In Sangliutang, a man surnamed Jin had an affair with the wife of Mr. Wang. With tin trumpet shouting loud, villagers asked the village head to make a judge…. But he had never dealt with this kind of affair … . Finally, Lu Cunding came up with an idea that when such bad things happened, in addition to the penalty of sorghum, ‘closing well’ could be implemented: the men and women caught were not allowed to get water from the well for seven days … . The men and women would be comfortable only for a while but suffered from dry and thirsty mouth for seven days, shameful and poor. They would also affect the families of both sides. Of course, since the implementation of ‘closing well’, men and women in the village have been mannered … . There were constant thefts in the village. Sometimes family Zhang lost their pig while the other time family Li lost their chicken. The village head was very upset and invented the “dying hair” system: dye the hair of all pigs and dogs in the village with different colors according to different families. Then patriarchs were asked to have a meeting, eating hot cakes and announcing the implementation of this system. It is now clear. Pigs and dogs from different families are differentiable: the colorful pigs and dogs walk in the street orderly and safely. Everyone feels at ease while the village head is very pleased. Walking in the street, at the sight of any pig or dog, he will say: ‘How can you be in a mess again!’” (Zhenyun 1992, pp. 148–150).
- 8.
In Li Village, people often worship Mao Zedong, leader of the Chinese revolution, as a God and place him with other gods. In another village I studied, Mao’s portrait was enshrined in a ritual shed set for the Dragon-tablet Temple Fair on the February 2nd of lunar calendar each year where worship activities were very prosperous. In Li Village, when I asked the locals for their understanding of Mao Zedong and reasons they worshiped him as an idol, they answered: “We must worship Chairman Mao because he feed us. Moreover, he is the Great God because when he was alive, all gods were intimidated by him and when he was gone, various other monsters dared to come out.” In such a folk interpretation, not only is the eradication of folk customs in the past by the state power reasonable in history, but also the revival of civil society culture in modern times. When I revisited Li Village for annual temple affair in 2001, I found that villagers had put Chairman Mao’s portrait on the plaque with three characters of Zhangyemiao. According to villagers, people from town office had came to dismantle the temple last year but failed. It was Mao’s portrait that prevented them to do that.
- 9.
Recently I occasionally read a prisoner’s diary in the third year of the Republic of China (1914) in Shandong Province, which provided detailed records of the whole process from arrest, trial to release. It is extremely interesting to see that situations in this diary of the Republic of China are similar to the judicial corruption and abuse of cruel torture in the late Qing Dynasty witnessed by Sun Yat-sen. As he wrote in his diary: “The next day, on March 17th, after breakfast, it was the second arraignment. The law enforcement officer asked: ‘Wang Changqing wanted to escape and how did you come to his aid? Shouguang was independent and how did you contact with the members? Tell me the truth.’ I said: ‘I really didn’t know anything about these.’ The officer said: ‘No pain, no confession.’ He shouted loudly: ‘Beat him!’ Soldiers around me took off my jacket, twisted me to make me kneel on the ground and slashed my back with a whip for 80 times, I didn’t confess. The officer ordered another 80 heavy whips, but I still kept silence. The officer said: ‘Another 40.’ Others responded: ‘He cannot stand anymore. Beat him the other day.’ The officer asked: ‘Do you blame me for beating you?’ I said: ‘It is the rule of law enforcement, so nobody is to blame.’ Then the arraignment was finished” (Huapu 1958, p. 306).
- 10.
This is particularly reflected in the economic goals of China to construct an overall “well-off” society in rural areas. It seems to the state that the way out for rural areas is to build a well-off society, and the core meaning of “well-off” is to enable peasants to live a wealthy and happy life. I do not intend to an in-depth discussion of the “well-off” issue. The difference in understanding of “happiness” between the state and local community behind the construction of the “well-off” society should be paid attention to in order to review the intervention and transformation of rural life by the state. In a sense, the target of “well-off” society actually become the administrative burden of county government when it came to the grassroots level, which ultimately passed on to peasants, resulting in the failure of making ends meet and the incessant complain of rural peasants.
- 11.
Wang Mingming didn’t consider “blessing” as something purely related to personal feelings like the “feeling of hot and cold”, but as an existence of the so-called “social ontology”. In this regard, any explanation of this term actually means the concept of “blessing” of Chinese people is both a personal feeling and a social constraint. As the text mentions: “It can be observed that ‘blessing’ not only constitutes the ideal and expectation of individual pleasure, but also includes specific social rules and the cultural concept, so I’m willing to take it as a kind of ‘social ontology’” (Mingming 1998, p. 25). The concept of “blessing” here has become a link between oneself and society just as the tie between “us” and “them” as Bauman (1990) mentioned. Inner happiness is often reflected in human practices through the discourse of “blessing” (Bourdieu 1977). And it is precisely the typical situation that with the concept of “blessing” will be the inter-subjectivity between me and others, namely mutual intelligibility. Such a method to analyze the concept of “blessing” in the environment of people’s practice is the anthropology replica called by Marx to criticize Feuerbach’s philosophy. Marx said: “The chief defect of all hitherto existing materialism (that of Feuerbach included) is that the thing, reality, sensuousness, is conceived only in the form of the object or of contemplation, but not as sensuous human activity, practice, not subjectively” (Marx 1988, p. 87).
- 12.
Marx and Engels put it: “Hitherto men have constantly made up for themselves false conceptions about themselves, about what they are and what they ought to be. They have arranged their relationships according to their ideas of God, of normal man, etc. The phantoms of their brains have got out of their hands. They, the creators, have bowed down before their creations” (Marx and Engels 1988, p. 1).
- 13.
Marx and Engels had the following statement concerning the concept of liberation: “Let us liberate them from the chimeras, the ideas, dogmas, imaginary beings under the yoke of which they are pining away. Let us revolt against the rule of thoughts” (1988, p. 1).
- 14.
Admittedly, it is the media that plays a vital role in shaping the concept system of “what is happiness”. Through the media, a new form of happiness—the political economy symbol has replaced the original political economy of struggle (Baudrillard 1981, p. 1). The concept of “seeking happiness for mankind” has been replaced by the postmodern concept of happiness of “consuming body ” (Falk 1994; Featherstone 1991). The media is shaping the symbol of “happiness” and imposing such false notion of happiness to daily consumer goods. When you buy a good printed “Fortune”, the so-called enjoyable “state of happiness” in “getting together with families” imposed on you by the “symbolic power ” on television will appear in your mind, so that you will consider it as happiness. But you hardly recognize that you are firmly in control of the symbolic violence shaped by the media (Bourdieu 1991).
- 15.
Mingming (1998) emphasized on Marx’s theory of “happiness” and had a more unique application of the theory of “happiness” of Foucault, especially in the issue related to “self”. In Foucault’s logic, it relied on the development of “technology of self” to obtain happiness, with which a “self-power” could be realized (Foucault 1988). Reflecting on China’s social life, we will clearly feel that although Chinese have a strong sense of “self-power”, the sense of this power doesn’t play a dominant role in everyday life. It can be said that Chinese do not completely consider the realization of self-power as the ultimate value of life care while they should take into account the restriction and exclusion of such power by the society. In rural area of China, complex social relationship enables people to acquire characters such as tolerance and constraint because parents often tell their children “disadvantage is a blessing” as the way of social life. “Disadvantage” is a loss of power, the failure of “self-technology ” in Foucault’s theory. Thus, at least in Chinese people’s minds, even without the personal capacity of “self-technology ” as Foucault said, “happiness” is still available. A reasonable inference drawn therefrom is that people without “self-technology ” or access to social resources can also be considered as very “blessed” by the local community. The prototype of the “God of Longevity ” in Chinese cultural symbol system is carefree folks with average ability, who do not necessarily have any “self-technology ” and power but one of the idols worshiped by people. The core meaning of “appearance showing blessing” doesn’t refer to the ability of “self-technology ” but the “natural” look of a person. As an old saying goes, “a full heaven (forehead), a round land (underjaw)”, which imposes the social meaning of “blessing” to a certain individual or a certain kind of human by a natural cosmology. Therefore, for Chinese people, the concept of “blessing” is justified by the outside standard rather than the internal psychological feelings. It is not based on the subjective experience but the external concrete existence including the body, as the measuring standard of people’s happiness. Concerning the concept of happiness, people are willing to relate happiness to their physical characteristics. For example, when an old man is considered “blessed”, he should be “blind and deaf, but with good appetite”. Through sense organs such as “vision”, “listening” and “taste” of the body, it is hoped to reflect the personal understanding of happiness. And it is this description of physical characteristics that makes people understand the concept of “blessing”: “invisible to unpleasant scene, deaf to the irritated bustle, while accessible to the best food in the world”, this simple and intuitional “blessing” is the reason for it being the social semantics foundation. The Chinese character “福 (blessing)” is a phonogram in Chinese language. The left part of the character shows its meaning while the right part shows the pronunciation. The left part was written as “示” in old style, meaning “pleading”, which means to plead a blessing from God in ceremony. Although the critical interpretation of ancient texts cannot fully cover real life, it can provide a basis for conceptual analysis. In a certain sense, in the eyes of Chinese, blessing is external, which needs to be pled by people, or “blessing” is shown on human’s body. As the study of Martin (Ahern 1981) of communication between man and the God, “pleading” is very important. The so-called “granting whatever is requested” is the modern version of the old-fashioned concept of “blessing”. In addition, in Chinese, expressions like “blessing comes”, “riding the high tide of luck” and “good fortune” also have this “blessing” concept outside the people. It might be doubtful to judge whether this externalized concept of “blessing” can be translated equivalently with “happiness”, the English word rich in subjective experience found by the author. The consequent cultural misunderstanding may cause the total loss of the local meaning of “blessing”. The concept of “blessing” has the above externalities for people, which resembles the gift exchange put forward by Mauss (1967) when circulating among people. “Blessing” as a gift is entirely a gift in symbolic sense. It is more likely attached to specific gift to someone. When a person sends blessing to others (equivalent to giving gifts), the receiver is included in a mutual relationship and repays at the appropriate time. It is necessary to reiterate that “blessing” is not a personal experience and self-power, but it should be more of a “compulsory” power control imposed by the society. The old in Li Village mostly live a life not as good as young people, but they receive blessings in holidays, and people in the village consider the old deserved this good fortune. But many old people themselves do not think so. They often tease themselves: “It is my good fortune when children have the ideas of sending me blessings!” In fact, when old people receive blessings, they are actually telling others that there is some kind of relationship between “me” and “him”, such as parent-child relationship, neighborhood relationship and family relationship.
- 16.
The concept of happiness is actually a process of interaction between the state ideology and cultural practices of the people. Sapir (1934) considered that culture was merely something gradually discovered during the exploration by the members of a society. This is just what Thompson summarized after the study on the British working class: people manufacture their ideas and ideologies in constraint of changing social organization (Thompson 1963, p. 9). As a pioneer of cultural studies, Williams developed a similar view that culture and ideology were a kind of work and they had some common grounds with the society of commodity production since the reproduction of cultural meaning was also a specific procedure (Williams 1977, p. 9). If the idea of happiness is recognized as a component of culture, its true meaning cannot be understood without association to the social process. It is actually a new meaning after the reinterpretation on people through the advocacy of the whole modern ideology. Thus, Weller regarded culture as a pragmatic interpretation and re-interpretation process without strong institutionalized characters, nor strong ideology characters (Weller 1987, p. 7). If we interpret the concept of happiness with such “pragmatic” point of view, it seems that people’s life is calm and independent without the external control of cultural hegemony. However, Williams was opposed to this view. He thought it was more of the “emotional structure” organized by ideological thinking. “Structures of felling can be defined as social experiences in solution, as distance from other social semantic formations which have been precipitated and are more evidently and more immediately available” (Williams 1977, pp. 133–134). The pragmatic explanations (dissolved one) are not as clearly as the precipitated ideology and they are linked with a particular system instead of the daily social relationship. However, both ideologicalization and pragmatic explanations are still manufacturing the meaning rather than a pre-determined password used for thinking.
References
Ahern, E. M. (1981). Chinese ritual and politics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Anderson, B. (1991). Imagined communities: Reflections on the origin and spread of nationalism (2nd ed.). London: Verso.
Baudrillard, J. (1981). For a critique of the political economy of the sign (Trans. C. Levin). St. Louis: Telos Press.
Bauman, Z. (1990). Thinking sociologically. London: Blackwell.
Bilik, N. (1998). Nationality and its conceptual dialectic. In Ethnic Studies (Vol. 1). Beijing: Chinese Academy of Social Sciences.
Bourdieu, P. (1977). Outline of a theory of practice. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Bourdieu, P. (1991). Language and symbolic power, J. B. Thompson (Ed.). Polity Press.
Cassirer, E. (1999). The myth of the state (Fan, J. et al. Trans.). Beijing: Huaxia Publishing House. (Original in Chinese).
Chaohui, F. (1994). Two traditions and their modern integration of civil society. Chinese Social Sciences, (5), 82–102 (Original in Chinese).
Cohen, M. L. (1993). Cultural and political inventions in modern China: The case of the Chinese ‘Peasant’. Daedalus, 122(2), 151–170.
Congxian, W. (1985). Connotation study of traditional and modern peasant characteristics. In Collected papers of Institute of Ethnology, Academia Sinica (Issue 59, pp. 1–18) (Original in Chinese).
Daguan, G. (1946). Evolution of Chinese family society. Shanghai: Zhengzhong Bookstore (Original in Chinese).
Dirks, N. B. (1994). Ritual and resistance: Subversion as a social fact. In N. B. Dirks, G. Eley, & S. B. Ortner (Eds.), Culture, power, history: A reader in contemporary social theory (pp. 483–503). Princeton: Princeton University Press.
Duara, P. (1988). Culture, power, and the state: Rural North China, 1900–1942. Stanford: Stanford University Press.
Fairbank, J. K., & Feuerwerker, A. (Eds.). (1986). The Cambridge history of China (Vol. 13). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Falk, P. (1994). The consuming body. London: Sage Publications Ltd.
Featherstone, M. (1991). Consumer culture and postmodernism. London: Sage Publications Ltd.
Feng, L. (1993). The origin and formation of Chinese unit system. Chinese Social Sciences Quarterly, 4(5), 66–87. (Original in Chinese).
Feuchtwang, S. (1997). Peasant or citizen?—An issue of social anthropology of China. In W. Mingming & S. Feuchtwang (Eds.) Order, justice and authority of rural society. Beijing: China University of Political Science and Law Press (Original in Chinese).
Foucault, M. (1988). The political technologies of individuals. In L. H, Martin et al. (Eds.), Technologies of the self. Massachusetts: University of Massachusetts Press.
Geertz, C. (1983). Local knowledge: Further essays in interpretive anthropology. New York: Basic Books.
Giddens, A. (1985). The nation-state and violence. Cambridge: Polity Press.
Giddens, A. (1990). The consequences of modernity. Stanford: Stanford University Press.
Giddens, A. (1991). Modernity and self-identity: Self and society in the late modern age. Cambridge: Polity Press.
Gramsci, A. (1979). Letters from prison. London: Quartet Books.
Heidegger, M. (1962). Being and time. Oxford: Blackwell.
Heidegger, M. (1987). Introduction to metaphysics. New Haven: Yale University Press.
Huang, P. C. C. (1994). Codified law and republican China. In K. Bernhardt & P. C. C. Huang (Eds.), Civial law in Qing and Republican China. Stanford: Stanford University Press.
Huapu, Z. (1958). Prison record of Zhao Huapu. In Chinese history society Jinan branch, information of modern history of Shandong Province (Vol. 2, pp. 298–328). Jinan: Shandong People’s Publishing House (Original in Chinese).
Jilin, X., & Dakai, C. (Eds.). (1995). Modernization history of China: 1800–1949. Shanghai: Sanlian Bookstore. (Original in Chinese).
Jin, Y. (1995). The construction of China’s modern civilization order: On China’s “Modernization” and “Modernity”. Beijing: Institute of Sociology and Anthropology of Peking University.
Johnson, C. A. (1962). Peasant nationalism and communist power: The emergence of revolutionary China, 1937–1945. Stanford: Stanford University Press.
Li, S. (1998). Why ‘Sending Law to Door’? Journal of Social Psychology (2), 45–55 (Original in Chinese).
Liping, S., Hansheng, W., Sibin, W., Bin, L., & Shanhua, Y. (1994). Social structure change in China since reform and opening up. Chinese Social Sciences (2), 47–62 (Original in Chinese).
Marx & Engles. (1988). The German ideology. New York: Prometheus Books.
Mauss, M. (1967). Manual of ethnography. Paris: Editions Payot & Rivages.
Mingming, W. (1992). Flowers of the state, grasses of the people: Yearly rites and aesthetics of power in Quanzhou in the southeastern coastal macro-region of China, Ph.D. Thesis. London: University of London.
Mingming, W. (1996a). Clan, society and state—Reflection on Friedman theory. Chinese Social Sciences Quarterly (Autumn Volume), 71–88 (Original in Chinese).
Mingming, W. (1996b). Folk tradition and modernization of China—Case study of Tangdong village in Fujian Province. Traditional Culture and Modernization (3), 3–15 (Original in Chinese).
Mingming, W. (1997a). Culture and power in perspective of village: Five theories of three villages in Fujian and Taiwan Province. Beijing: Sanlian Bookstore. (Original in Chinese).
Mingming, W. (1997b). Course of community—Case study of the Han people in Xicun village. Tianjin: Tianjin People’s Publishing House. (Original in Chinese).
Mingming, W. (1998). Happiness, self-power and social ontology: The concept of “Blessing” in a Chinese village. Sociological research, (5), 23–36 (Original in Chinese).
Mingming, W. (2000). Non-ego and ego. Fuzhou: Fujian Education Press (Original in Chinese).
Qiukun, C. (1997). The Taiwan aboriginal land rights in Qing Dynasty—Land change of Bureaucrat, Tenant and Lahodoboo 1700–1895. Taipei: Institute of Modern History of Academia Sinica (Original in Chinese).
Rongqu, L. Ed. (1990). From “westernization” to modernization—Selected works of arguments about Chinese cultural trend and development path after May 4th. Beijing: Peking University Press (Original in Chinese).
Rongqu, L. (Ed.). (1993). New theory of modernization: Modernization process of the world and China. Beijing: Peking University Press. (Original in Chinese).
Rozman (1998). China’s modernization (Trans. the research group of “comparative modernization” of National Social Science Foundation). Nanjing: Jiangsu People’s Publishing House (Original in Chinese).
Said, E. (1983). Traveling theory. In The world the text, and the critic. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.
Sapir, E. (1934). The emergence of the concept of personality in a study of culture. In E. Sapir (Ed.), 1949, Culture, language and personality. Berkeley: University of California Press.
Schurmann, F. (1966). Ideology and organization in communist China. Berkeley: The University of Califonia Press.
Sicheng, L. (1998). History of Chinese architecture. Tianjin: Baihua Literature and Art Publishing House. (Original in Chinese).
Skinner, B. F. (1984). Beyond freedom and dignity. New York: Alfred A. Knopf.
Thompson, E. P. (1963). The making of the english working class. New York: Vintage Books.
Weber, M. (1997a). The NationState and economic policy, G. Yang (Ed.), Trans. G. Yang, L. Qiang, W. Yijun, & P. Wing-kin. Beijing: Sanlian Bookstore.
Weber, M. (1997b). Economy and society, Part 1 (Trans. L. Rongyuan). Beijing: The Commercial Press.
Weller, R. P. (1987). Unities and diversities in Chinese religion. London: The Macmillan Press Ltd.
Williams, R. (1977). Marxism and literature. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Xiaojun, Z. (1998). Understanding of the involution system of rural China. 21st Century (Hong Kong), 150–159 (Original in Chinese).
Xiaotong, F. (1985). From the soil. Beijing: Sanlian Bookstore.
Xudong, Z. (1997). Community in history and history in community. Folklore Studies (3), 89–98 (Original in Chinese).
Xudong, Z. (1999a). Enlightenment of indigenous psychology: Lessons from indigenous studies. Journal of Social Theories (Hong Kong), Spring Volume (1), 53–80 (Original in Chinese).
Xudong, Z. (1999b). Community in imagination. Reading, 11, 44–51 (Original in Chinese).
Xuehui, W. (1998). From taboo habits to law origin movement. Beijing: Law Press. (Original in Chinese).
Yat-sen, S. (1984). China’s judicial reform (Trans. Y. Xia) Modern Chinese history studies (Issue 2, pp. 1–10) (Original in Chinese).
Yefang, S. (1983). Selected essays of rural China. Beijing: People’s Public Press. (Original in Chinese).
Yong, Z. (1987). Research on clan law in Qing Dynasty. Changsha: Hunan Education Press. (Original in Chinese).
Yongnian, Z. (June 1996). Village democracy and political process in China. 21st Century (Hong Kong) (35), 24–33 (Original in Chinese).
Zhenglai, D. (1997). State and society—Civil society research of China. Chengdu: Sichuan People’s Publishing House. (Original in Chinese).
Zhenyun, L. (1992). Official circle. Beijing: Huayi Press. (Original in Chinese).
Zhiping, L. (1994). Ethical and legal culture. In Cultural interpretation of law (pp. 310–34). Beijing: Sanlian Bookstore (Original in Chinese).
Zhiping, L. (1997). Law and order in rural society. In W. Mingming & S. Feuchtwang (Eds.), Order, justice and authority in rural society (pp. 415–487). Beijing: China University of Political Science and Law Press (Original in Chinese).
Zhuo, Z. (1992). Analysis on several targets of modernization of China. Chinese Social Sciences (3), 99–117 (Original in Chinese).
Author information
Authors and Affiliations
Rights and permissions
Copyright information
© 2019 Foreign Language Teaching and Research Publishing Co., Ltd and Springer-Verlag GmbH Germany, part of Springer Nature
About this chapter
Cite this chapter
Zhao, X. (2019). Conclusion. In: Power and Justice. China Academic Library. Springer, Berlin, Heidelberg. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-662-53834-0_10
Download citation
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-662-53834-0_10
Published:
Publisher Name: Springer, Berlin, Heidelberg
Print ISBN: 978-3-662-53832-6
Online ISBN: 978-3-662-53834-0
eBook Packages: Social SciencesSocial Sciences (R0)