Abstract
State violence in Thailand is one of the main targets of human rights advocacy. Activists, lawyers and scholars address both the violence as events and the deficiency in institutional processes for holding authorities accountable. Violations of rights are generally understood as belonging within the juridical realm, taking as point of reference a citizen or group of citizens in relation to a state or union of states. From that perspective the most violent space of the state is where non-citizens and marginalized groups are identified. These are people whose claims matter little to the state. Human rights organizations and reports are on agreement that Thailand repeatedly breach the rights of refugees and fail to protect them from abuse. Among the non-nationals on the margins of the Thai state there are more than half a million stateless persons residing within the Thai borders. The state-violence Thailand performs towards these groups of people construes a clear cut between nationals and non-nationals. The Thai state is however also notorious for committing state violence against those regarded as nationals.
Following the custom in Thai language, Thai scholars are referred to by their first name. This custom is also reflected in the bibliography.
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Notes
- 1.
They are the precarious workers from Laos, Burma and Cambodia (but also lower classes of Thai citizens, notably ex-convicts) in construction and in the fishing industry; the Rohingya refugees from Burma being towed out at sea by Thai authorities or, if they manage to enter Thailand, detained under questionable conditions Indefinite detention in accordance with Immigration Act, B.E. 2522 [1979], men are held in detention centers, women and children in social community centers (UNHCR 2015). For a comprehensive report on “push back” and “help on” strategies, see The Equal Rights Trust, 2014, 3.2.; Letter to Prime Minister of Thailand from The Equal Rights Trust, 23 January 2009.
- 2.
While being party to core international human rights treaties, including the ASEAN Human Rights Declaration, 19 November 2012, Thailand is not a signatory party to the international Refugee Convention nor to its additional protocol (1951; 1967).
- 3.
To Galtung exploitation is at the core of the ”archetypal violent structure” (Galtung 2013, p. 45)
- 4.
- 5.
- 6.
Prathet (country) signifies a spatial unit, whereas chat (nation) refers to commonality in origin (Thongchai 1994, pp. 134–135)
- 7.
National language decrees had been introduced by Rama IV, under Phibun’s regime reforms, sometimes violently enforced, were aimed at erasing regional differences (Diller 2002).
- 8.
The word officially used today is thammaphiban: phiban meaning “to take care of, to guard or to protect.”
- 9.
The military regime that took power 22 May 2014 under the leadership of General Prayut Chan-O-Cha is called the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO). Through arbitray summons, detention and prosecutions it has curbed dissident thinking and expression, aiming “to control the production of knowledge” (Haberkorn 2014a)
- 10.
Agriculture makes up 40 % of the total national labor pool but receives only 10 % of GDP. The report also confirmed that the “income-generating developments are clustered in urban areas” and that the richest 10 % owned 100 times more land per person than the rest of the population (Truth for Reconciliation Commission of Thailand 2012, p. 220)
- 11.
Patani was a Malay sultanate covering the three border provinces.
- 12.
Civil laws were introduced in Siam in 1934 exempting Islamic family and inheritance law in the Greater Patani region.
- 13.
Most well-known is the “Haji Sulong Rebellion,” protests provoked by the arrest of the religious teacher Haji Sulong who was a strong advocator for autonomy. In 1954 Haiji Sulong was again arrested and mysteriously “disappeared” (Thanet 2007a).
- 14.
The Internal Security Operations Command (ISOC) initiated the street troop Red Gaurs and the propaganda group Nawaphon. In order to counter-act communism in the rural areas the Border Police organized the Village Scout movement under royal patronage.
- 15.
Official figures by the National Administrative Reform Council, the military junta behind the coup announced later on the evening of 6 October. Two amnesty bills were passed following the massacre, effectively obstructing any investigation (Haberkorn 2015).
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Zackari, K. (2016). Violence on the Periphery of the Thai State and Nationhood. In: Koch, B. (eds) State Terror, State Violence. Staat – Souveränität – Nation. Springer VS, Wiesbaden. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-11181-6_5
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