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Peacebuilding and Local Peacebuilders in Cambodia and Mindanao

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Part of the book series: Rethinking Peace and Conflict Studies ((RCS))

Abstract

This chapter offers readers background information about the two case studies from a comparative perspective. All social developments are contextual and so is local peacebuilding. The peacebuilding models promoted by local actors are subject to the social, cultural and structural conditions of the society and reflect the local actors’ views and interests constructed within such contexts. The local models of peacebuilding in Mindanao and Cambodia, in this sense, present significant discrepancies in terms of the identity of local peacebuilders, the organisational structure of these agencies, types of programmes, strategies for ownership enhancement, and resources to be mobilised and utilised for operation. The long history of Khmer as a single political and cultural entity, the total civil war that has little relevance to local populations’ interests, and the externally-led peacebuilding in the aftermath of the civil war formed a more homogenous group of local peacebuilders in Cambodia. In Mindanao, in contrast, the coexistence of three cultural and ethnic groups (Christian, Muslim, and indigenous tribes), a complex series of conflicts that reflect multiple-layers of tensions, and multiple trends of peacebuilding supported by varied actors who have distinct historical, ideological and structural backgrounds, developed a few distinct groups of local peacebuilders who frequently have contradictory views and interests.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    While the term Lumad has been used in different ways, recent studies on Mindanao generally follow Tiu (2013)’s definition “indigenous tribes in Mindanao who were not Islami[s]ed.”

  2. 2.

    In a survey conducted in ARMM in 2011, 89% of the respondents said that they trust religious leaders (strongly trust 67%, somewhat trust 22%), 71% trust the heads of Barangayi (40% strongly trust, somewhat trust 31%), 77% trust local elders (strongly trust 39%, somewhat trust 38%) (SWS 2011, cited in Kim 2017, 203).

  3. 3.

    The maximum size of land title later increased to 24 hectare 1919, then back to 16 in 1936.

  4. 4.

    Although the Spanish rule’s constant attempts to control the area caused gradual demise of the economic prosperity of the Muslim areas, its influence was relatively indirect limited to eastern seashores and Zamboanga peninsula.

  5. 5.

    The group that established Democratic Kampuchea is commonly known as the Khmer Rouge in the West. The term Khmer Rouge (meaning Red Khmer in French) was originally coined by Prince Sihanouk and is commonly used to refer to the faction.

  6. 6.

    Although the number of people killed under the Khmer Rouge regime is still disputed, many sources generally agree with an approximation of between 1.5 million and 2 million. For instance, the Cambodian Genocide Program at Yale University suggests that 1.7 million died (The CGP 2010), while Short argues that the number of victims should be estimated at 1.5 million (2005). Kiernan (1992, 2002) and Heder (1999) also agree with a figure of between 1.5 and 1.7 million deaths.

  7. 7.

    Lump sum grant is a type of financial grant that does not designate the specific purposes, so its usage can be more under the control of aid recipients.

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Lee, S. (2019). Peacebuilding and Local Peacebuilders in Cambodia and Mindanao. In: Local Ownership in Asian Peacebuilding . Rethinking Peace and Conflict Studies. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-98611-1_2

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