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Identity Politics and Social Movements: Flags, Same-Sex Marriage and Brexit

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Book cover Identity Change after Conflict

Part of the book series: Palgrave Studies in Compromise after Conflict ((PSCAC))

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Abstract

This chapter explains the trajectories of socio-cultural change in both parts of Ireland. It takes recent decision-points in each society: the marriage equality and abortion repeal referendums in the Republic of Ireland that accelerated cultural transformation of 'the nation'; and the flags protest (2012–2013) in Northern Ireland that reversed the trajectory of change begun with the Good Friday Agreement of 1998. It shows how in Northern Ireland pluralizing change met predictable reversals, creating clusters of the unionist populations available for mobilization, in social contexts that favoured hardline loyalist identity alliances over others. It provides a critical, policy relevant approach to the current conjuncture of Brexit, arguing that it is necessary to go beyond respect for given identities to respect for autonomous identity change.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    OM3SCT03.

  2. 2.

    OF3SCF06.

  3. 3.

    SF2JCD.

  4. 4.

    SM1TCD03.

  5. 5.

    SM1BCDO4.

  6. 6.

    Northern Ireland Life and Times Political Attitudes module, ‘IRBRIT’ ‘NIRELND2’. By 2016, however, political attitudes were beginning to change: the young were becoming more open to a united Ireland, and Brexit stands to increase this trend, see Garry et al. 2018.

  7. 7.

    Northern Ireland Life and Times Community Relations module, NINATID. In general, with some yearly variation, young Protestants are less likely to affirm a British identity than their elders.

  8. 8.

    See De Burca and Hayward 2012, and White 2013 on the very uneven generational change in Northern Ireland.

  9. 9.

    For example, OF2XCD05; OF2SOD11; OM2CCD10.

  10. 10.

    West Cork, for example, where the history of the Protestant minority is prominent and politicized. See Ruane 2014.

  11. 11.

    For example in the resolution of marching disputes in Derry (Claeson 2017).

  12. 12.

    For analysis of the impact of Brexit on Northern Ireland and North-South relations, see variously Harvey (2018), McCrudden (2017), Todd (2017b), Phinnemore and Hayward (2017), O’Leary (2018).

  13. 13.

    The two cases are chosen because of their contrasting directions, and because there is considerable independent published research on each.

  14. 14.

    Unionist parties could not afford to lose working class support and just before the flags protest they had done so, with the DUP First Minister’s seat in Westminster lost to the Alliance party in 2010.

  15. 15.

    For the variety of views even among loyalist activists, see Mitchell (2006); Mitchell (2015); Shirlow et al. (2012); Smithey (2011).

  16. 16.

    See, for example, Hayes and McAllister (2013), pp. 74–75 who—in a very useful analysis of survey data—give a social identity theory explanation of continuing polarization.

  17. 17.

    According to the NILT survey (2016). Thanks to John Coakley for making the data available to me.

  18. 18.

    Not as much as they should but enough to make a difference to the schools.

  19. 19.

    For discussion of the case, see Kitty Holland’s columns in the Irish Times.

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  1. Geary Institute, University College Dublin, Dublin, Ireland

    Jennifer Todd

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Todd, J. (2018). Identity Politics and Social Movements: Flags, Same-Sex Marriage and Brexit. In: Identity Change after Conflict. Palgrave Studies in Compromise after Conflict. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-98503-9_9

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  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-98503-9_9

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