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Cargoes Human and Otherwise: Chinese Commerce in East African Goods During the Middle Period

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Part of the book series: Palgrave Series in Indian Ocean World Studies ((IOWS))

Abstract

At a far earlier stage in history than is typically realized, the Chinese initiated trade relations that succeeded in procuring the importation of goods of East African origin. In so doing, China commenced its own tradition of exchange with East Africa—one that was conducted on a somewhat lower but nonetheless comparable scale with the preexistent and more direct trade pursued by merchants hailing from the various contemporary countries of the Arabian Peninsula and the Indian subcontinent. The East African commodities most sought initially by all parties were ivory, spices, and aromatics. However, no less significant is the fact that by the late tenth century C.E., if not substantially earlier, the Chinese of imperial court circles became exposed additionally to representatives of the human inhabitants of East Africa. Thereafter, the documented expansion of the Indian Ocean trade in slaves would extend as far to the east as the major Chinese port cities of Guangzhou and Quanzhou. As a result, we find that literary and historical records attest subtly to a widening Chinese exposure to peoples as well as to things African that exceeds beyond the boundaries that we have heretofore known and come to expect.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Jan J. Lodewijk Duyvendak (1949) China’s Discovery of Africa: Lectures Given at the University of London on January 22 and 23, 1947 (London: Arthur Probsthain). Prior to Duyvendak’s study, which assumed book form, Western investigations into this subject were in the form of brief and occasional articles and notices, with the first appearing at the turn of the twentieth century. See, for example, Friedrich Hirth [1845–1927] (1909) “Early Chinese Notices of East African Territories”, Journal of the American Oriental Society 30.1, 46–57.

  2. 2.

    Jacques Gernet (1970) Daily Life in China on the Eve of the Mongol Invasion, 12501276, trans. H. M. Wright (Stanford: Stanford University Press), 17.

  3. 3.

    ‘Aydhab was possibly established during the Ptolemaic period of Egypt, which spanned from the fourth to the first century BCE, emerged as a major Red Sea port city in about the year CE 1000. Mapungubwe was the seat of the Kingdom of Mapungubwe (CE 1075–1220) and also initial precursor to the Kingdom of Zimbabwe, which arose in the thirteenth century. Interestingly, both of these locales, although situated at opposite ends of the African continent’.

  4. 4.

    See Gervase Mathew (1956) “Chinese Porcelain in East Africa and on the Coast of South Arabia”, Oriental Art, n.s. 2, 50–55. See also Philip Snow (1988) The Star Raft: China’s Encounter with Africa (Ithaca: Cornell University Press), 6, 8, 23, 27, 32, 33, 34, 35. See also Friedrich Hirth (1909) “Early Chinese Notices of East African Territories”, 57, as well as Friedrich Hirth [1845–1927] and W. W. Rockhill [1854–1914], trs. (1966) Chau Ju-kua: His Work on the Chinese and Arab Trade in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries, Entitled Chu-fan-chï (New York: Paragon Book Reprint Corp. and Arno Press [Reprint of 1911]), 127. For more on the ubiquitous use of specifically Song-period Chinese coinage throughout East, South, and West Asia, see Kuwabara Jitsuzō (1928) “On P’u Shou-keng 蒲壽庚, a Man of the Western Regions, who was the Superintendent of Trading Ships’ Office in Ch’üan-chou 泉州 towards the End of the Sung dynasty, together with a General Sketch of the Trade of the Arabs in China during the T’ang and Sung Eras”, Memoirs of the Research Department of the Tōyō Bunko (the Oriental Library), 25–27.

  5. 5.

    See Friedrich Hirth and W. W. Rockhill (1966) Chau Ju-kua, 127.

  6. 6.

    See Kuwabara Jitsuzō (1928) “On P’u Shou-keng” (1928), 27, wherein the author cites the travel record of Abu Zayd Hasan al-Sirafi, the ninth-century Arab merchant-traveler known for his account of the massacre at Guangzhou of foreign residents by Huang Chao 黄巢 (d. 884) in 878–879, as attesting to the spread of Chinese coins as far as the Persian Gulf region. One latter-day Africanist historian has contended that we can date some of the Chinese coins collected along the East African coast to at least as early as the year 700. See L. W. Hollingsworth (1964) A Short History of the East Coast of Africa (London: Macmillan), 55–56.

  7. 7.

    Zhang Tiesheng 張鐵生 (1973) ZhongFei jiaotongshi chutan 中非交通史初探 (2nd ed., Beijing: Shenghuo dushu xinzhi Sanlian shudian), 14.

  8. 8.

    Zhang Tiesheng (1973) ZhongFei jiaotongshi chutan, 2, 7, 9.

  9. 9.

    Zhang Tiesheng (1973) ZhongFei jiaotongshi chutan, 7.

  10. 10.

    Zhang Tiesheng (1973) ZhongFei jiaotongshi chutan, 7.

  11. 11.

    Don J. Wyatt (2010) The Blacks of Premodern China (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press), 84–87, 158–159.

  12. 12.

    Duan Chengshi 段成式 [d. 863] (1975) Youyang zazu 酉陽雑俎 [Miscellany of Tidbits from Youyang Mountain Cave] (Taibei: Taiwan xuesheng shuju), 4.3b.

  13. 13.

    Don J. Wyatt (2010) Blacks of Premodern China, 159.

  14. 14.

    Zhao Rugua 趙汝适 [1170–1231] (1969) Zhufan zhi 諸蕃志 [Description of Foreign Peoples] (Taibei: Guangwen shuju), 1.25b–26.

  15. 15.

    Billy So Kee Long (2000) Prosperity, Region, and Institutions in Maritime China: The South Fukien Pattern, 9461368 (Cambridge, MA and London: Harvard University Asia Center, Harvard University Press), 119.

  16. 16.

    For a succinct description of the ancientness of the history of the Chinese knowledge of and penchant for ivory, see Kōsaku Hamada (1926) “Engraved Ivory and Pottery Found in the Site of the Yin Capital”, Memoirs of the Research Department of the Tōyō Bunko (the Oriental Library) 1, 42–43.

  17. 17.

    Zhang Tiesheng (1973) ZhongFei jiaotongshi chutan, 15.

  18. 18.

    Zhang Tiesheng (1973) ZhongFei jiaotongshi chutan, 15, 18.

  19. 19.

    Zhang Tiesheng (1973) ZhongFei jiaotongshi chutan, 15.

  20. 20.

    Zhang Tiesheng (1973) ZhongFei jiaotongshi chutan, 5. See the comparable lists and discussions of exported and imported commodities provided in Cho-yun Hsu (2012) China: A New Cultural History, trans. Timothy D. Baker Jr. and Michael S. Duke (New York: Columbia University Press), 281–284.

  21. 21.

    Zhang Tiesheng (1973) ZhongFei jiaotongshi chutan, 15.

  22. 22.

    Kenneth S. Latourette (1946) The Chinese: Their History and Culture (3rd rev. ed., New York: Macmillan [Reprint of 1934]), 194–195.

  23. 23.

    Tuotuo 脫脫 (Toghto) [1314–1356] et al. (1977), Songshi 宋史 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju), 490.14118. For more on the ascription kunlun as applied to individuals hailing from such locales as Africa, see Edward H. Schafer (1963) The Golden Peaches of Samarkand: A Study of T’ang Exotics (Berkeley: University of California Press), 45–47.

  24. 24.

    For more on the derivation of this crucial term from this set of equivalent Chinese phonemes, see Don J. Wyatt (2010) Blacks of Premodern China, 69–70.

  25. 25.

    Edward Schafer (1963) Golden Peaches of Samarkand, 47, 291. See Wang Qinruo 王欽若, Yang Yi 楊億 et al.,Cefu yuangui 册府元龜 [Magic Mirror in the Palace of Books] (Taibei: Taiwan shangwu yinshuguan, 1985), 971.6b–7.

  26. 26.

    Edward Schafer (1963) Golden Peaches of Samarkand, 47, 103, 291. Don J. Wyatt (2010) Blacks of Premodern China, 155. The official, semiofficial, and nonofficial primary sources referencing these three Javanese missions as well as the precise count and gender of the transferred Zāngī juveniles are unusually copious and all mutually corroborative. According to Ouyang Xiu 歐陽修 [1007–1072], Song Qi 宋祁 [998–1061] et al. (1976) Xin Tangshu 新唐書 (Taibei: Dingwen shuju), 222C.6302 and Wang Pu 王溥 [922–982] (2006) Tang huiyao 唐會要 (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe), 100.2117, four Zāngī boys or tong 僮 (more literally, “servants”) were delivered to the Tang court in 813. According to Liu Xu 劉昫 [887–946] et al. (1976) Jiu Tangshu 舊唐書 (Taibei: Dingwen shuju), 15.454 and 197.5273 as well as Wang Qinruo, Cefu yuangui, 972.8, five boys were delivered in 815. According to Liu Xu et al.,Jiu Tangshu, 197.5273; Wang Pu, Tang huiyao, 100.2117; and Wang Qinruo, Cefu yuangui, 972.9, two girls ( 女) were delivered in 818.

  27. 27.

    Radha Kumud Mookerji (1957) Indian Shipping: A History of the Sea-Borne Trade and Maritime Activity of the Indians from the Earliest Times (2nd rev. ed., Bombay, Calcutta and Madras: Orient Longmans), 133. On the relationship of the caliphate to the Tang empire, see Cho-yun Hsu (2012) China, 253–254, 256.

  28. 28.

    Edward Schafer (1963) Golden Peaches of Samarkand, 47.

  29. 29.

    Ouyang Xiu (1976) Xin Tangshu, 43B.1153. See Edward Schafer (1963) Golden Peaches of Samarkand, 47.

  30. 30.

    Zhu Yu 朱彧 [1075?–after 1119] (1921) Pingzhou ketan 萍州可談 [Mohai jinhu 墨海金壺-edition] (Shanghai: Boguzhai), 2.4. For more in-depth discussion on the phenomenon of “converting the bowels”, see Friedrich Hirth and W. W. Rockhill (1966) Chau Ju-kua, 32. See also Don Wyatt (2010) Blacks of Premodern China, 56, 60–61, 63, 77.

  31. 31.

    Philip Snow (1988) Star Raft, 18.

  32. 32.

    Don Wyatt (2010) Blacks of Premodern China, 51.

  33. 33.

    For more on Zhu Yu’s background, see Don Wyatt (2010) Blacks of Premodern China, 45–49.

  34. 34.

    Zhu Mu 祝穆 [fl. thirteenth century] (2003) Fangyu shenglan 方輿勝覽 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju), 12.208.

  35. 35.

    See John Chaffee, “Han Chinese Representations of South Sea Merchants in Song China”, in this volume.

  36. 36.

    Duan Chengshi (1975) Youyang zazu, 4.3b.

  37. 37.

    Duan Chengshi (1975) Youyang zazu, 4.3b.

  38. 38.

    We should be mindful that before this time, Kunlun, especially as an oceanic geographical concept, had been extremely amorphous. Indeed, as historian Feng Chengjun 馮承鈞 [1885–1946] (1937), writing in his milestone Zhongguo Nanyang jiaotong shi 中國南洋交通史 (Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan), 51, states: “Since ancient days, the kingdom of Kunlun has been imprecisely designated as a single zone, defined by the various countries extending to Annam (Zhancheng 占城) in the north, to Java (Zhuawa 爪哇) in the south, to Malaysia (Malaibandao 馬來半島) in the west, to Borneo (Poluozhou 婆羅洲) in the east. At its severe extreme, it extends even to the east coast of Africa. We can think of all of this area as incorporating the territory of Kunlun.”

  39. 39.

    Zhao Rugua (1969) Zhufan zhi, 1.32b–33. See also Friedrich Hirth and W. W. Rockhill (1966) Chau Ju-kua, 149–150 and Don J. Wyatt (2010) Blacks of Premodern China, 114, 156.

  40. 40.

    Zhou Zhizhong 周致中周致中[Yuan] (1969) Yiyu zhi 異域志異域志 (Taibei: Guangwen shuju), 1.7.

  41. 41.

    See the highly illuminating discussion in Edward Schafer (1963) Golden Peaches of Samarkand, 40–50, in which he explains, among other things, why Tang Chinese were generally averse to trafficking in their own countrymen.

  42. 42.

    Edward Schafer (1963) Golden Peaches of Samarkand, 46, 290.

  43. 43.

    Edward Schafer (1963) Golden Peaches of Samarkand, 47.

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Wyatt, D.J. (2019). Cargoes Human and Otherwise: Chinese Commerce in East African Goods During the Middle Period. In: Schottenhammer, A. (eds) Early Global Interconnectivity across the Indian Ocean World, Volume I. Palgrave Series in Indian Ocean World Studies. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-97667-9_7

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