Abstract
This paper will explore the expansion of Chinese knowledge about the Islamic World through maritime contacts that flourished during the Mongol-run Yuan dynasty in China. Studies have focused on expanded overland contacts between China and West Asia created by the Mongol conquest in the thirteenth century. However, Sino-Islamic maritime contacts also peaked during the period thanks to the expansion of routes and commercial connections in the Indian Ocean. While overland routes remained precarious due to wars among feuding khanates, maritime routes suffered fewer obstacles. Maritime trade policies enacted by Mongol rulers in the Yuan Dynasty tied Yuan China and the Il-Khanate in Iran and further west. Booming maritime contact enabled Chinese learning about West Asia and North Africa to grow more dynamic, extensive, and flexible.
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Notes
- 1.
Wang Gungwu (2003) The Nanhai Trade: Early Chinese Trade in the South China Sea (Singapore: Eastern Universities Press), 1–58; for the argument, see 24.
- 2.
Pierre-Yves Manguin (2010) “New Ships for New Networks: Trends in Shipbuilding in the South China Sea in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries”, in Geoff Wade and Sun Laichen (eds.), Southeast Asia in the Fifteenth Century: The China Factor (Singapore: University of Singapore Press), 335–337.
- 3.
Anonymous (1989) The Periplus Maris Erythraei: Text with Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, trans. Lionel Casson (Princeton: Princeton University Press), 75, 91, 238–239.
- 4.
Many pieces of documentary and archaeological evidence including the excavation of a ninth-century Arab/Indian ship, found on the Indonesian island of Belitung between Sumatra and Borneo, testify to direct trades between China and West Asia. Hyunhee Park (2012) Mapping the Chinese and Islamic Worlds: Cross-Cultural Exchange in Pre-Modern Asia (New York: Cambridge University Press), Chaps. 2 and 3.
- 5.
Janet L. Abu-Lughod (1989) Before European Hegemony: The World System A.D. 1250–1350 (New York: Oxford University Press).
- 6.
Okada Hidehiro argues that the overland networks of the Mongol Empire were significant for their weakness in sustaining it, in contrast to the later, more successful case of the early-modern European state. Okada Hidehiro 岡田英弘 (1992) Sekaishi no tanjō 世界史の誕生 (Tōkyō: Chikuma shobō), 228–230.
- 7.
Among the pioneers are Yajima Hikoichi 家島彦一, Sugiyama Masaaki 杉山正明, Liu Yingsheng 劉迎勝, Yokkaichi Yasuhiro 四日市康博, and Mukai Masaki 向正樹. Some of their works are cited below.
- 8.
John Chaffee (2013) “Cultural Transmission by Sea: Maritime Trade Routes in Yuan China”, in Morris Rossabi (ed.), Eurasian Influences on Yuan China (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asia Studies), 41.
- 9.
There have been many studies about the Pu family. For a recent analysis, see Geoff Wade (2010) “Early Muslim Expansion in South-East Asia: Eighth to Fifteenth Centuries”, in David Morgan and Anthony Reid (eds.), The New Cambridge History of Islam, Vol. 3: The Eastern Islamic World Eleventh to Eighteenth Centuries (New York: Cambridge University Press), 370–382.
- 10.
Billy So Kee Long (2000) Prosperity, Region, and Institutions in Maritime China: The South Fukien Pattern, 946–1368 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Asia Center), 80–81.
- 11.
See the examples of some Mongol political figures were also closely involved in these ventures in Mukai Masaki 向正樹 (2010) “The Interests of the Rulers, Agents and Merchants Behind the Southward Expansion of the Yuan Dynasty”, in Academia Turfanica (ed.), Journal of the Turfan Studies: Essays on the Third International Conference on Turfan Studies: The Origins and Migrations of Eurasian Nomadic Peoples (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe), 428–445.
- 12.
Mukai Masaki 向正樹 (2005) “Yuandai ‘chaogong’ yu nanhai xinxi” 元代 “朝貢” 与南海信息, Yuanshi luncong 元史論叢 10, 389–406.
- 13.
Mukai Masaki (2005) “Yuandai ‘chaogong’ yu nanhai xinshi”, 400.
- 14.
Hyunhee Park (2012) Mapping the Chinese and Islamic Worlds, 103–104.
- 15.
Miya Noriko 宮紀子 (2006) Mongoru jidai no shuppan bunka モンゴル時代の出版文化 (Nagoya: Nagoya daigaku shuppankai), 517–568.
- 16.
Wang Shidian 王士點 (1992) Mishujian zhi 秘書監志 (Hangzhou: Zhejiang guji chubanshe [Reprint]), 4.72–4.91.
- 17.
This is the “Map of the World Regions” (Guanglun jiangli tu) that was included to a Ming dynasty work Shuidong riji 水東日記 (The diary from east of the river) by Ye Sheng 葉盛 (1420–1474), whose preface was written in 1452, yet which was originally drawn in 1360. For a discussion of the copies of the map and its possible relations with other contemporaneous works, see Miya Noriko (2006) Mongoru jidai no shuppan bunka, Plate 12, 489–503. See Hyunhee Park (2012) Mapping the Chinese and Islamic Worlds, 108, for a reconstructed map with English captions and a discussion of the significance of the map in the Sino-Islamic relations in the Yuan period.
- 18.
See Hyunhee Park (2012) Mapping the Chinese and Islamic Worlds, Chap. 3.
- 19.
Hyunhee Park (2012) Mapping the Chinese and Islamic Worlds, 67.
- 20.
Zhou Qufei 周去非 [jinshi 1163] (1999) Lingwai daida jiaozhu 嶺外代答校注 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju), 126. In the high-water period of the history of the Song dynasty’s tribute system, between 960 and 1022, almost half (twenty-three) of the fifty-six missions that arrived from kingdoms in the southern seas were from the Middle East. John Chaffee (2006) “Diasporic Identities in the Historical Development of the Maritime Muslim Communities of Song-Yuan China”, The Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 49.4, 400–401.
- 21.
John Chaffee argues, “The system of maritime trade inherited by the Mongols following their conquest of the Song in the 1270s had its origin in the pro-trade policies of the post-Tang Southern Kingdoms and the early Song”. John Chaffee (2013) “Cultural Transmission by Sea”, 41.
- 22.
Sugiyama Masaaki 杉山正明 (1995) Kubirai no chōsen: Mongoru kaijō teikoku e no michi クビライの挑戦: モンゴル海上帝国への道 (Tōkyō: Asahi Shinbunsha), 198–208.
- 23.
The sources include Yuandianzhang [Statutes of the Yuan dynasty] and Rashīd al-Dīn’s Jāmiʿ al-tawārīkh [The Compendium of Chronicles]. The Persian term ortaq came from a Turkic word ortoq that meant an association or guild; Chinese sources present it as wotuo 斡脫. Several scholars have given plausible definitions of ortoq merchants that generally resemble each other but differ in small though significant ways.
- 24.
Thomas T. Allsen (1989) “Mongolian Princes and Their Merchant Partners”, Asia Major 2, 83–126; Elizabeth Endicott-West (1989) “Merchants Associations in Yüan China: The Ortoγ”, Asia Major 2, 127–154; Sugiyama Masaaki 杉山正明 (1996) Mongoru teikoku no kōbō, vol. 2 モンゴル帝國の興亡 (Tōkyō: Kōdansha), 187–191; and Yokkaichi Yasuhiro 四日市康博 (2008) “Chinese and Muslim Diasporas and the Indian Ocean Trade Network Under Mongol Hegemony”, in Angela Schottenhammer (ed.), The East Asian Mediterranean: Maritime Crossroads of Culture, Commerce and Human Migration [East Asian Maritime History, 6] (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz), 76–77.
- 25.
As for the ortoq merchants in the Il-Khanate who worked with the merchants of Kish in the Persian Gulf, see Yokkaichi Yasuhiro (2008) “Kikinzoku kara mita kai’iki ajia kōryu: Dō to dōsen no ajia kaidō” 貴金属から見た海域アジア交流: 銀と銅銭のアジア海, in Yokkaichi Yasuhiro (ed.), Mono kara mita kai’iki ajia shi: Mongoru—Sō Gen jidai no ajia to Nihon no kōryu モノから見た海域アジア史: モンゴル~宋元時代のアジアと日本の交流 (Fukuoka: Kyūshū University Press), 125–127. Yokkaichi Yasuhiro also recently examined some official Persian sealed documents related to the Il-Khanate ortoq activities. He presented this at the International Symposium on Persian Historical Documents as Sources for the Study of Mongol Era, 1–2 November 2013 (Institute of Iranian Cultural Studies, Peking University, Beijing: No Publisher). He also presented a paper “The Privileged Merchants in the East and West of Silk Road Under Mongol Rule” at the UNESCO International Forum of the Great Silk Road, 14–16 October 2013 (Almaty: No Publisher).
- 26.
Mukai Masaki 向正樹 (2010) “Contacts Between Empires and Entrepôts and the Role of Supra-Regional Network: Song-Yuan-Ming Transition of the Maritime Asia, 960–1405”, in Fujita Kayoko and Mukai Masaki (eds.), Empires, Systems, and Maritime Networks: Reconstructing Supra-Regional Histories in Pre-Nineteenth Century Asia Working Paper Series 1: Asian Empires and Maritime Contacts Before the Age of Commerce (Ōsaka: Ōsaka University), 6.
- 27.
Mukai Masaki (2010) “Regenerating Trade Diaspora: Supra-Regional Contacts and the Role of ‘Hybrid Muslims’ in the South China Sea During the Tenth–Fifteenth Century”, in Kobayashi Kazuo (ed.), Global History and Maritime Asia Working and Discussion Paper Series, No. 19: Exploring Global Linkages Between Asian Maritime World and Trans-Atlantic World (Ōsaka: Ōsaka University Press), 66–80.
- 28.
Cf. Yokkaichi Yasuhiro (2002) “Gen-chō no chūbai hōka: Sono igi oyobi nankai bō’eki-orutoku tono kakawarini tsuite” 元朝の中賣寶貨: その意義および南海交易 ・ オルトクとの関わりについて, Nairiku Ajia shi kenkyū 内陸アジア史研究 17, 41–59. A contemporaneous source Tongzhi tiaoge mentions the ortoq merchants in Quanzhou who voyaged and traded through ocean to the Islamic World. Fang Lingqui 方龄貴, ed. (2001) Tongzhi tiaoge jiaozhu 通制条格校注 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju), 27.45–27.46. The legal document forbids the merchants from bringing the Mongol men or women to the Islamic World or India as slaves via maritime trade.
- 29.
Many tombs in Quanzhou also testify to the scale of the Muslim communities in port cities in China, where Muslims who came from both the northern and southern routes resided. Quanzhou zongjiao shike, 8–364.
- 30.
Mukai Masaki (2010) “Contacts Between Empires and Entrepôts”, 11–20.
- 31.
The history of Waṣṣāf testifies that some influential local rulers of Persian Gulf regimes, like Qais and Hormuz, competed with each other in their attempts to dominate the transit trade to southern India. Jean Aubin (1953) “Les princes d’Ormuz du XIIIe au XVe siècle”, Journal Asiatique 241, 89–91; see Ralph Kauz and Roderich Ptak (2001) “Hormuz in Yuan and Ming Sources”, Bulletin de l’École française d’Extrême-Orient 88, 36; and Yokkaichi Yasuhiro (2008) “Kikinzoku kara mita kai’iki ajia kōryū”, 132–134.
- 32.
For several Arabic sources that mention Kārimī’s trade with China, see Eliyahu Ashtor (1956) “The Kārimī Merchants”, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 88, 45–56.
- 33.
The custom tax rate was 1/30th of the cargo’s value in general, which was lower than the rate of 1/20 that existed during the previous Song dynasty. Secondly, while Song-dynasty merchants paid 2% tax at every provincial border until they reached their final destination, the Yuan merchants enjoyed more favorable conditions, thanks to the government’s abolition of the internal transit duties in order to encourage increased long-distance trade. Miyazawa Tomoyuki 宮澤知之 (1981) “Genchō no shōgyō seisaku: gajin seido to shōzei seido” 元朝の商業政策–牙人制度と商税制度, Shirin 史林 64.2, 51–52. This means that merchandise imported through the seaports of Quanzhou and Guangzhou transferred to the capital Dadu through a wider distribution network within the empire and at a lower cost than before.
- 34.
The Yuan government’s trade-friendly tax policies and water-transport systems undoubtedly contributed to an increase in the scale of Chinese foreign trade, and encouraged more merchants from distant countries to trade with the Chinese. Herbert F. Schurmann (1956) Economic Structure of the Yüan Dynasty: Translation of Chapters 93 and 94 of the Yüan shih (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press), 108–130. Morris Rossabi (1988) Khubilai Khan: His Life and Times (Berkeley: University of California Press), 188–190.
- 35.
Song Lian 宋廉 [1310–1381] (1976) Yuanshi 元史 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju [Reprint]), 94.2402.
- 36.
Chen Gaohua 陳高華陳高華 (1995) “Yuandai de hanghai shijia Ganpu yangshi” 元代的航海世家澉浦杨氏, Haijiaoshi yanjiu 1, 4–18.
- 37.
For a detailed discussion of Yang Shu’s family, see Wilt L. Idema (1989) “The Tza-jiu of Yang Tz: An International Tycoon in Defense of Collaboration?”, in Academia Sinica (ed.), Proceedings on the Second International Conference on Sinology (Taibei: Academia Sinica), 523–529.
- 38.
For a thorough examination of China’s maritime trade during the Song dynasty, and its role in and importance to Muslim merchant networks at this initial phase, see Angela Schottenhammer’s habilitation thesis (2002) Das Songzeitliche Quanzhou im Spannungsfeld: Zwischen Zentralregierung und Maritimem Handel (Stuttgart: Steiner); see also her chapter in this current volume “China’s Increasing Integration into the Indian Ocean World until the Song 宋 Times”. An exceptional case of the Tang dynasty, about a named Chinese emissary who went from China to the ‛Abbāsid dynasty during the Tang dynasty, is recorded in an epitaph. Rong Xinjiang 榮新江 (2012) “Tangchao yu heiyi dashi guanxi shi xinzheng: Ji zhenyuan chunian Yang Liangyao de pinshi dashi” 唐朝与黑衣大食关系史新证--记贞元初年杨良瑶的聘使大食, Wenshi 文史 100, 231–243. Contemporaneous West Asian sources, however, do not back up this fact.
- 39.
For more details on Wang Dayuan, see Hyunhee Park (2012) Mapping the Chinese and Islamic Worlds, 115–118.
- 40.
Chen Dazhen 陳大震 (1986) Dade Nanhai zhi canben 大德南海志残本 (Guangzhou: Guangzhou shi difang zhi yanjiusuo), 37–38.
- 41.
These include Zhou Qufei’s Land beyond the Passes and Zhao Rugua’s Description of the Foreign Lands. Zhao Rugua 趙汝适 [1170–1231] (1996) Zhufan zhi jiaoshi 諸蕃志校释 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju).
- 42.
Hyunhee Park (2012) Mapping the Chinese and Islamic Worlds, 113–114.
- 43.
For more details, see Liu Yingsheng 劉迎勝 (2011) Hailu yu lulu: Zhonggu shidai dongxi jiaoliu yanjiu 海路與陸路:中古時代東西交流研究 (Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe), 1–69.
- 44.
For the dramatic influx of Arabic and Western medicines into Mongol China, see Paul Buell “Eurasia, Medicine and Trade: Arabic Medicine in East Asia: How it Came There, and How it was Supported, including Possible Indian Ocean Connections for the Supply of Medicinals”, in this volume.
- 45.
The Catalan Atlas, produced in Catalonia, Spain, by a Jewish cartographer in 1375, drew the world in four rectangular panels. Its unique features include new cartographic styles influenced by both the European nautical charts, including many compass rhumb lines, and Islamic cartographic works, which features the placement of the direction south at the top of maps, not to mention new rich information about Asia based on the accounts of Marco Polo and Ibn Baṭṭūṭa. For a succinct discussion of this map, see Evelyn Edson (2007) The World Map, 1300–1492: The Persistence of Tradition and Transformation (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press), 74–86.
- 46.
While earlier studies considered external factors such as “Japanese piracy” for the reason for the change in maritime policy, Li Kangying argues that the change was based more on internal dynamics such as the practice in early Ming political culture of state domination over the economy. See Li Kangying (2010) The Ming Maritime Trade Policy in Transition, 1368–1567 [East Asian Maritime History, 8] (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz).
- 47.
See the volumes of East Asian Maritime History series, edited by Angela Schottenhammer (2005–) (12 volumes so far; vol. 13 is under preparation), which explicitly aim at illustrating the vivid trade that took place throughout East Asian waters.
- 48.
Morris Rossabi (2013) “Notes on Mongol Influences on the Ming Dynasty”, in Morris Rossabi (ed.), Eurasian Influences on Yuan China (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asia Studies), 203.
- 49.
See, for example, John Chaffee (2008) “Muslim Merchants and Quanzhou in the Late Yuan-Early Ming: Conjectures on the Ending of the Medieval Muslim Trade Diaspora”, in Angela Schottenhammer (ed.), The East Asian “Mediterranean”: Maritime Crossroads of Culture, Commerce, and Human Migration [East Asian Maritime History, 6] (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz), 115–132; Geoff Wade (2010) “Early Muslim Expansion in South-East Asia”, 384–389.
- 50.
See Angela Schottenhammer (2007) “The East Asian Maritime World, 1400–1800: Its Fabrics of Power and Dynamics of Exchanges—China and Her Neighbours”, in Angela Schottenhammer (ed.), The East Asian Maritime World 1400–1800: Its Fabrics of Power and Dynamics of Exchanges (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz), 1–86.
- 51.
Wang Gungwu (1991) China and the Chinese Overseas (Singapore: Times Academic Press). See also Angela Schottenhammer (2007) “The East Asian Maritime World, 1400–1800”, 1–86.
- 52.
The author reports that most of the goods from these Western countries were not able to make it to China, but were rerouted instead to the Philippines. He Qiaoyuan 何喬遠 [1558–1632] (1995) Minshu 閩書 (Fuzhou: Fujian renmin chubanshe [Reprint of 1628–1644]), 4362.
- 53.
See Ng Chin-keong (1997) “Maritime Frontiers: Territorial Expansion and Hai-fang During the Late Ming and High Ch’ing”, in Sabine Dabringhaus and Roderich Ptak (eds.), with the assistance of Richard Teschke, China and Her Neighbors: Borders, Visions of the Other, Foreign Policy, Tenth to Nineteenth Century (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz), 211–257.
- 54.
Philip D. Curtin (1984) Cross-Cultural Trade in World History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), 139; Kirti N. Chaudhuri (1978) The Trading World of Asia and the English East India Company, 1660–1760 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), 109–129; and Sanjay Subrahmanyam (2012) The Portuguese Empire in Asia, 1500–1700: A Political and Economic History (Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell), 59–85.
- 55.
For a recent study that re-evaluates earlier studies on the exaggerated importance of silver from the Americas in Ming China’s economy, see Brian Moloughney and Xia Weizhong (1989) “Silver and the Fall of the Ming Dynasty: A Reassessment”, Papers on Far Eastern History 40, 51–78.
- 56.
Lincoln Paine (2013) The Sea and Civilization: A Maritime History of the World (New York: Knopf), 429–472.
- 57.
Roderich Ptak (1998) “Ming Maritime Trade to Southeast Asia, 1368–1567: Visions of a ‘System’”, in Claude Guillot, Denys Lombard, and Roderich Ptak (eds.), From the Mediterranean to the China Sea. Miscellaneous Notes (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz), 179.
- 58.
On a brief but excellent survey of several important Ming-Qing maritime power groups who were seafarers, merchants, militarists, officials, and pirates, and some Chinese attempts to create trade connections with the Europeans, which were ultimately frustrated by the strict Qing policy, see John E. Wills (1979) “Maritime China from Wang Chih to Shih Lang”, in Jonathan D. Spence et al. (eds.), From Ming to Ch’ing. Conquest, Region, and Continuity in Seventeenth-Century China (New Haven: Yale University Press), 228–234.
- 59.
For a fresh overview of the roles of the Zheng family and Chinese merchants in Fujian in China’s global and regional maritime activities during the Ming-Qing transition, see Roderich Ptak and Hu Baozhu (2013) “Between Global and Regional Aspirations: China’s Maritime Frontier and the Fujianese in the Early Seventeenth Century”, Journal of Asian History 47.2, 197–217. For a succinct argument about the important role of the Dutch, who drew people from the coastal province of Fujian to colonize Taiwan, see Tonio Andrade (2008) How Taiwan Became Chinese: Dutch, Spanish, and Han Colonization in the Seventeenth Century (New York: Columbia University Press).
- 60.
The Selden map is a Chinese map made in the early seventeenth century that was acquired by the English scholar John Selden [1584–1654]. While the map depicts China and Southeast Asia in traditional Chinese-style cartographic techniques, it also contains the navigation guides using the compass directions. I myself argued in my paper “Combining Tradition and Innovation: A ‘Global’ Map of Seventeenth-Century China and Southeast Asia”, presented at The Selden Map of China: Colloquium, 15 September 2011 (Bodleian Library, Oxford University: No Publisher), that its cartographer combined available geographic sources including European maps and Chinese maps circulating in southern China to draw this unique hybrid map. For the first published works of the Selden Map, see Timothy Brook (2013) Mr. Selden’s Map of China: Decoding the Secrets of a Vanished Cartographer (New York: Bloomsbury Press); Robert Batchelor (2014) London: The Selden Map and the Making of a Global City, 1549–1689 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press).
- 61.
Giancarlo Casale discusses the Ottoman Turks’s active struggle for global dominance during the Age of Exploration, and its efforts to launch a systematic ideological, military, and commercial challenge to Portugal in a contest for control over the lucrative trade routes of maritime Asia. Giancarlo Casale (2010) The Ottoman Age of Exploration (New York: Oxford University Press). However, they did not come all the way to the Eastern Indian Ocean to acquire their dominance and hegemonic power, as the Europeans did, although they did maintain a connection with Acheh in Indonesia.
- 62.
Mark Mancall (1968) “The Ch’ing Tribute System: An Interpretive Essay”, in John K. Fairbank (ed.), The Chinese World Order: Traditional China’s Foreign Relations (Cambridge: Harvard University Press), 85–89; In his recent monograph, Gang Zhao argues that the Kangxi emperor was convinced at that time that the rise of maritime business made it necessary to open the coast to international overseas trade, which spelled the end of the tribute system of trade. See Zhao Kang (2013) The Qing Opening to the Ocean: Chinese Maritime Policies, 1684–1757 (Honolulu: University of Hawai’ --> Hawai’i Press). Yet the evidence does not show that while bold Chinese merchants began to dominate East Asian trade, they were not actively advancing to the Western part of the Indian Ocean.
- 63.
See Zhao Kang (2013) The Qing Opening to the Ocean, 153–161. Mark Mancall also argued that in 1722, the government grew disturbed by the outflow of ships and valuable woods. Mark Mancall (1968) “The Ch’ing Tribute System”, 85–89.
- 64.
For more discussions about these changes in detail, see Angela Schottenhammer (2010) “Characteristics of Qing China’s Maritime Trade Politics, Shunzhi Through Early Qianlong Reigns”, in Angela Schottenhammer (ed.), Trading Networks in Early Modern East Asia [East Asian Maritime History, 9] (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz), 101–153; Angela Schottenhammer (2012) “Empire and Periphery? The Qing Empire’s Relations with Japan and the Ryūkyūs (1644–c. 1800): A Comparison”, The Medieval History Journal 15.2, 140–156.
- 65.
Motegi Toshio 茂木敏夫 (2001) “Chūgoku no umi ninshiki” 中国の海認識, in Kei’ichi Omoto et al. 尾本惠市 (eds.), Umi no Ajia, vol. 5, Ekkyōsuru network 海のアジア〈5〉越境するネットワーク (Tōkyō: Iwanami Shoten).
- 66.
See Jane K. Leonard (1984) Wei Yuan and China’s Rediscovery of the Maritime World (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press).
- 67.
On the Qing empire’s expansion into the northwestern frontier, see Peter Perdue (2005) China Marches West: The Qing Conquest of Central Eurasia (New York and Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press).
- 68.
For causes especially since the Qianlong reign, see Angela Schottenhammer (2012) “Empire and Periphery?” 139–196; Angela Schottenhammer (2010) “Characteristics of Qing China’s Maritime Trade Politics”, 142–143.
- 69.
Paul Buell (2012) “Qubilai and the Indian Ocean. A New Era?” in Salvatore Babones and Christopher Chase-Dunn (eds.), Handbook of World-Systems Analysis (London and New York: Routledge), 42–43.
- 70.
Janet Abu-Lughod (1989) Before European Hegemony, 361.
- 71.
For a succinct overview of the advance of the Europeans to the Indian Ocean that initiated “what is aptly called the age of expansion” (406), see Lincoln Paine (2013) The Sea and Civilization, Chaps. 14–16.
- 72.
For further discussion on the issue, see Morris Rossabi (2013) “Notes on Mongol Influences on the Ming Dynasty”, 204.
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Park, H. (2019). The Peak of China’s Long-Distance Maritime Connections with Western Asia During the Mongol Period: Comparison with the Pre-Mongol and Post-Mongol Periods. In: Schottenhammer, A. (eds) Early Global Interconnectivity across the Indian Ocean World, Volume I. Palgrave Series in Indian Ocean World Studies. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-97667-9_3
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