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A Critical Inflection Point for the EU

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Abstract

In this chapter we argue that the EU now finds itself at an inflection point in its history, in the form of an ‘existential crisis’—one that presents itself across a number of distinct-yet-related crises. The 'European Project' celebrated its 60th anniversary in 2017—celebrations muted by the impact of events such as the European Banking and Debt Crisis, and Brexit. It now faces into a period of change: change in the EC, in the Parliament, and in the Presidency of the ECB, together with proposed reforms. Two key issues rest on what lessons the EU has learnt from the events of the last decade and, by extension, how open the newly emerging regime will be to addressing the challenges of a new era. We argue that the EU’s capacity to move decisively beyond the various crises that trouble it is, in large part, dependent on the extent to which it acknowledges the reality of these crises (including the possibility of its own culpability in instigating and perpetuating them). This process of addressing the challenges revealed by Europe's economic catharsis is a necessary starting point for the longer-term project of reimagining the foundational, communally-orientated values that animated the vision of an embryonic EU—values that are wholly at odds with the stance and substance of Troikanomics.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    There are arguments that, aside from the numerous practical inadequacies in implementing the Euro, it was in principle an unsustainable undertaking—given the latent heterogeneous nature of the countries it was composed of; e.g. Feldstein (2012), Moravcsik (2012) and Lane (2012). This issue is discussed in greater detail in Chap. 5, in particular within reference to the EU’s status as an ‘Optimum Currency Area’.

  2. 2.

    Crawford (2010) also makes reference to the hegemony exercised by Germany within Europe. Hillebrand (2014) provides a discussion on Germany’s place within the Eurozone and the Eurozone Crisis. 

  3. 3.

    We discuss the concept of ‘Conventional Wisdom’ in greater detail in Chap. 1.

  4. 4.

    Sen (2012) also acknowledges how failed economic policies influence more than individual social metrics such as unemployment and poverty; within the context of the current crisis they place our sense of European Unity itself at risk.

  5. 5.

    These countries were Greece, Ireland, Portugal, Spain, and Cyprus.

  6. 6.

    Raines et al. (2017) provide an analysis of these factors.

  7. 7.

    The concept of ‘constitutional tolerance’ is discussed in greater detail by Lindseth (1999).

  8. 8.

    For example, in September 2017, the Alternative for Germany (AfD) won 12.6% of the German vote, attaining 94 seats in the Bundestag. Alongside this, in March 2018, the Italian anti-establishment Five Star Movement led by Luigi Di Maio became the party with the largest number of votes.

  9. 9.

    The scale—and the rapidity—of the build-up is chronicled by The International Institute for Strategic Studies (www.iiss.org) and Chatham House (www.chathamhouse.org). For an insightful graphic of the extent of NATO’s ‘encirclement’ of Russia, see, for example, Batchelor (2017). O’Hanlon (2017) provides a rigorous account of the institutional dimensions, and limitations , of NATO’s strategy.

  10. 10.

    The Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO) Agreement, signed by 23 EU member countries in November 2017, represents a further step forward in the militaristic colonisation of the EU. It is an EU agreement on greater cooperation on global military missions—including defence projects, services, programmes, and procurement. Operating in close coordination with NATO in all of its military-related activities, the crucial issue is not so much about what this agreement is, as what it will allow for; that is, providing major momentum towards a common defence policy—and, more specifically, what President Macron called in 2018 a ‘real’ European Army. In the wake of the enactment of the PESCO Agreement, an EU army is a reality that current policies and practices are not simply setting a precedent for, but establishing an expectation for.

  11. 11.

    According to the Independent, in June (2018), ‘[a]t least 660 people have died crossing the Mediterranean Sea so far this year’.

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Kinsella, R., Kinsella, M. (2018). A Critical Inflection Point for the EU. In: Troikanomics. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-97070-7_2

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  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-97070-7_2

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  • Publisher Name: Palgrave Macmillan, Cham

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