Abstract
It is generally assumed that detailed planning of the research process and anticipating remote, possible scenarios will lead to success with our research studies and potentially minimize risks. Detailed planning is often required by research ethics boards, dissertation committees, and potential funding agencies. However, in this chapter, I argue that good ethnographic studies often depend on happenstance and unanticipated turns. Much of what happens in ethnographic work is based on chance encounters and circumstances we cannot predict beforehand. In this chapter, I describe some of the ways my own 5-year-long ethnographic work on second-generation immigrant drug dealers in Germany took unexpected turns and did not play out the way I, or my professors, had anticipated. Ultimately, I argue that while preparation is obviously useful, in reality much of what will happen in ethnographic research depends on trial and error and unfolds in unexpected ways.
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Notes
- 1.
To that end, it is important to point out that German universities had no research ethics board at the time, so there were no official guidelines that could have posed restrictions on me or provided some guidance.
- 2.
They called me “Bullock” given my first name is the same as the Hollywood’s actress’s name “Sandra Bullock.”
- 3.
All names are pseudonyms.
- 4.
Putting risk into perspective, I believe that almost at any point during my own research, I was at a higher risk of being sexually assaulted when going into a bar with complete strangers than being around the young men who grew protective of me. The greatest risk I probably faced during my fieldwork was when driving to my fieldsite on the German Autobahn and risking a car accident. Likewise, unanticipated risks probably dominated in the research process. When I talk about my research, people automatically assume that the greatest risks for me were either to get into a violent altercation during a drug transaction or the sexual risks of getting assaulted given that my participants were hypermasculine males. However, more mundane forms of risks were much more prominent. For example, there was often the chance that I might be in a car accident because one of the guys I was driving around who was high on cocaine would try to take the steering wheel, something which was a much greater risk than being hurt in a violent drug transaction.
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Bucerius, S.M. (2018). The Sense and Nonsense in Planning Ahead: The Unanticipated Turns in Ethnographies on Crime and Drug Dealing. In: Rice, S., Maltz, M. (eds) Doing Ethnography in Criminology. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-96316-7_5
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