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The Europeanisation of Minority Policies in the Western Balkans

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The Europeanisation of the Western Balkans

Part of the book series: New Perspectives on South-East Europe ((NPSE))

Abstract

National minority policies have been considered as one of the most difficult tests of EU conditionality due to their salience at the national level and lack of a common internal standard. As a result, the findings of literature on the role of EU accession conditionality in this policy area have largely been inconclusive. Relying on literature from the Eastern enlargement, this chapter examines the Europeanisation of national minority policies in the pre-accession period studying Croatia and Macedonia, as the first candidate countries for EU membership in the Western Balkans. The analysis focuses on policy areas in which the European Commission has used national legislation as element of conditionality, including the operation of national minority councils in the former and the use of languages in the latter case. The chapter approaches conditionality by tracing the construction of the specific conditions, studying their application and understanding at the national level, and their development over time. It is based on process tracing of official EU documents and data from interviews with EU, national officials and civil society representatives in Brussels, Skopje and Zagreb. The chapter contributes to the study of the role of EU conditionality in national minority policies by demonstrating its flexible nature over time and the potential for polarisation in areas which are not regulated by the EU acquis.

This article was in part completed during a policy fellowship at the School of Transnational Governance at the European Policy Institute in Florence. The author kindly acknowledges the support of the school, the staff and other fellows with thanks.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    With the Ohrid Framework Agreement and the subsequent constitutional changes setting up a largely consociational system, the neutral term “non-majority communities” was introduced both in the constitution and relevant legislation in the country, replacing the previously contested nationalities. While recognising this specificity, for the purpose of uniformity of terminology, this chapter will predominantly use the term minority. When discussing Macedonia post-2001, the thesis uses the term “non-majority communities”.

  2. 2.

    The two countries were the first official candidates for EU accession in the Balkans since 2004 and 2005 respectively, thus, providing a sufficient time period and data for analysis in a comparable period of EU instruments. For more on case selection, see next section.

  3. 3.

    The interviews for the research used in this chapter were conducted in 2010/2011 with a follow up in Macedonia in 2017.

  4. 4.

    These include the National Plans for the Adoption of the Acquis, as well as official government reports. For Croatia, these include the documents related to the accession negotiations as well: Screening Reports, Interim Reports as well as corresponding benchmarks.

  5. 5.

    The second and third criterion concerns the functioning market economy and ability to take on the responsibility of Union membership.

  6. 6.

    Author’s interview with European Commission official, Brussels, 8 December 2010.

  7. 7.

    As to the use of international instruments as elements of EU conditionality, see Kacarska (2013b).

  8. 8.

    For more on this see chapter on contextual background.

  9. 9.

    For more on the EU’s role in Macedonia see Kacarska (2013a).

  10. 10.

    Author’s interview with CSO representative, Zagreb, 5 May 2011.

  11. 11.

    On the latter see Kacarska (2013c).

  12. 12.

    Constitutional Law on the Rights of National Minorities, Official Gazette no. 155/2002, available at: http://www.vsrh.hr/CustomPages/Static/HRV/Files/Legislation__Constitutional-Law-on-the-Rights-NM.pdf (accessed 10 January 2018).

  13. 13.

    The support solely in terms of trainings is similar as the case of the FCNM and as was highlighted by my interviewees, denoted “lack of will” on the national side to deal with the issues in substance.

  14. 14.

    Author’s interview with CSO representative, Zagreb, 5 June 2011.

  15. 15.

    Avery and Cameron (1998, p. 27).

  16. 16.

    Author’s interview with CSO representative, Zagreb, 5 June 2011, Author’s interview with European Commission official, Zagreb, 3 June 2011.

  17. 17.

    Author’s interview with European Commission official, Zagreb, 3 June 2011.

  18. 18.

    Author’s interview with CSO representative, Zagreb, 5 June 2011.

  19. 19.

    Author’s interview with CSO representative, Zagreb, 5 June 2011.

  20. 20.

    For more on this see Ilievski and Taleski (2009).

  21. 21.

    For a detailed overview see Kacarska (2012).

  22. 22.

    Author’s interview with high level civil servant from the Secretariat for European Affairs, 22 December 2010.

  23. 23.

    As was reported by a local newspaper, the preparation and adoption of the law on the use of languages was a part of this understanding. The Agreement is not available in public, but its main points are summarised by a newschapter article at the time, VMRO-DPMNE and DUI hide the Agreement [ВМРО-ДПМНЕ и ДУИ го затскриваат договорот] Dnevnik daily newschapter, 30 May 2007: http://www.dnevnik.com.mk/?itemID=C13A64D422158841A5A52709A2C06E08&arc=1 (accessed 22 June 2010).

  24. 24.

    Author’s interview with Member of Parliament, Skopje, 23 December 2010, emphasis added.

  25. 25.

    Author’s interview with high level civil servant in the Ministry of Justice, Skopje, 18 January 2011.

  26. 26.

    Author’s interview with European Commission official, Brussels, 11 October 2010.

  27. 27.

    Author’s interview with European Commission official, Skopje, 27 January 2011.

  28. 28.

    Author’s interview with Macedonia based diplomat, Skopje, 15 June 2017.

  29. 29.

    See: The Law on Languages is to be adopted with an EU flag [Законот за јазиците ќе се усвојува под европско знаме], Alsat M, 26 July 2017, https://goo.gl/sBTUpB, last accessed 25 January 2018.

  30. 30.

    VMRO DPMNE Press Release, https://vmro-dpmne.org.mk/pres-centar/aktuelno/parlamentarnoto-mnozinstvo-so-sila-i-nasilstvo-go-turka-zakonot-za-jazici.

  31. 31.

    http://www.telma.com.mk/vesti/zhbogar-vladata-da-ne-gi-povtori-greshkite-na-prethodnicite.

  32. 32.

    Sinisa Jakov Marusic “Macedonia Parks Language Law to Focus on EU Priorities”, 4 November 2017, BIRN, available at:  http://www.balkaninsight.com/en/article/eu-sought-reforms-postpone-macedonia-s-language-law-11-23-2017, last accessed 16 March 2018.

  33. 33.

    Interview with French Ambassador to the Republic of Macedonia, MAKFAX, 8 March 2018, available at: https://goo.gl/Jt3dJa, last accessed 16 March 2018.

  34. 34.

    Meta MK, Osmani: Those Who Are Against the Law on Languages Are Against NATO and the EU and Against the Country, 22 February, 2018, http://meta.mk/en/osmani-those-that-are-against-the-law-on-languages-are-against-nato-and-the-eu-and-against-this-country/, last accessed 16 March 2018.

  35. 35.

    European Western Balkans, 15 March 2018, EC Expect Language Law to be Forwarded to Venice Commission, available at: https://europeanwesternbalkans.com/2018/03/15/ec-expect-language-law-forwarded-venice-commission/, last accessed 16 March 2018.

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Kacarska, S. (2019). The Europeanisation of Minority Policies in the Western Balkans. In: Džankić, J., Keil, S., Kmezić, M. (eds) The Europeanisation of the Western Balkans. New Perspectives on South-East Europe. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-91412-1_6

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