Abstract
The rise of political consumerism is set against the background of a profoundly evolving macro-environment. This chapter elaborates on the implications which those processes engender for the relationship between politics and the business sector, and it describes how the changes and the rise of political consumerism are connected. Inspired by the theories of political culture and ‘varieties of capitalism’, the chapter delineates a theory on attitudes concerning the duties and responsibilities of the state, firms and citizens, and people’s understanding of cooperation, that is the ‘concept of the state’. The author discusses how this ‘concept of the state’ relates to labelling schemes and CSR, which both can give consumers orientation and confidence in their political purchasing but are fundamentally different in nature. Connecting the various observations, the author presents a multi-layered explanation for why and how in similar contexts buycotting and boycotting evolve differently.
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Notes
- 1.
Also, Hall und Soskice refer to Swidler and her suggestion that societies develop ‘behavioural repertoires’ that serve as a basis for solving coordination problems concerning society (Hall and Soskice 2001, 13).
- 2.
In Hall and Soskice’s theory, the term ‘actors’ refers to companies (Hall and Soskice 2001, 15). The reason for this is that, in their theory, it is companies that are those central interacting actors which find themselves confronted with a coordination problem. Nevertheless, also citizens constitute actors who interact in the framework of specific institutional structures and therein need to coordinate their actions. Correspondingly, the presented ideas may as well serve as point of departure for analysing the behaviour of individuals in the context of coordination problems.
- 3.
On the one hand, the politically interested may rather than the disinterested look into the subject and deal with the political system, which in turn increases the likelihood of finding weaknesses. On the other hand, an individual’s social position can be important, since the sense of how fair or unfair a system is will vary also with personal experience. For example, someone who cannot find a job and is therefore dependent on welfare aid may compare their own life with that of others who are better off and develop a sense of being treated unfairly. Thus, eventually, the individual may perceive the entire prevailing system as being unjust and therefore strive for an alternative.
- 4.
In a democracy , by means of elections and other forms of democratic political participation (e.g. involvement in political parties), citizens are theoretically able to influence the prevalent political system and with it the resultant balance between the state, the market and civil society. In the long run, the existing balance should normally correspond to the expectations of a majority of the citizens in a country.
- 5.
Social psychology research endorses that view. Social identity and group identity theories ground precisely on the finding of such congruence between seeing oneself as part of a group and identifying with the values, norms and structures which define and guide the group (e.g. Chen and Li 2009; Huckfeldt 1984, 400; Huddy 2013).
- 6.
For some scientists, trust is a prerequisite for getting involved in collective action: any party has to be able to trust that the other party involved will contribute its part to achieve the collective ambition. Otherwise, the authors assume, due to the fear of being exploited, the first party will not be willing to cooperate (Rossteutscher 2008; see also Ahn and Ostrom 2008; Fafchamps 2004). In contrast, a large strand of social capital research take the opposite view: they put forward that the repeated interaction between actors, that is, essentially civic involvement, is a central means to establishing trust (Offe 1999; Putnam 2000, 137). In getting involved, the participating actors can observe each other for a set period of time, and based on their observations they then can better evaluate the trustworthiness of the counterpart (Putnam 1993, 172ff; Putnam 2000, 137). Some other authors question that involvement indeed generates trust (see Seubert 2009, 112ff. and 192ff.). Instead, one fraction argues that involvement depends on personality (e.g. Uslaner 2008, 108ff.), whereas a second fraction points to the characteristics of an individual’s social environment (e.g. Newton and Zmerli 2011, 25). Taken altogether, the theories suggest that, in the end, trust depends on a combination of personality, experiences (involvement), and the precise object that is to be trusted.
- 7.
Ahn and Ostrom (2008) even regard the ‘rules of the game’ as institutions (Ahn and Ostrom 2008, 74), that is, as per se a structure of formal as well as informal rules on ‘what may, must, or must not be done’ (Ahn and Ostrom 2008, 74) which shapes collective interaction and the outcome of it. Hence, even though it does not entirely compare to the understanding of institutions as is followed in this book, their view underlines the relevance of such ‘prescriptions’ which guide, structure and delimit behaviour in activities where different actors cooperate.
- 8.
See, in a similar vein, Stolle and Micheletti, who discuss the facilitating and mobilising role of an information infrastructure or ‘choice architecture’ for involvement in political consumerism. Therein, they especially refer to the presence of labelling schemes and similar informative claims for conferring that information and confidence (Stolle and Micheletti 2013, 111ff. and 135ff.).
- 9.
Studying how varieties of capitalism affect product production choices in single countries, Trumbull (2006) discerns a similar mutual process: market institutions influence the decisions and preferences of consumers; while conversely, prevailing consumer institutions and structures have an important impact on the eventual choices as well (Trumbull 2006, 5–6). Thus, he reveals a paralleling variation of peculiarities of (consumer) demand and product types on offer (Trumbull 2006, 5, ref. also to Kogut 1991).
- 10.
In a similar vein, Hoffmann (2014) theorises that cross-country variation of boycotting prevalence is linked to the cultural characteristics, that is, the magnitude of boycotting activity varies with the singular culture. Specifically, he too points to the distinct preferences of people across countries for either individual or collective action taking. And in fact, he finds a positive effect for a culture that emphasises ‘institutional collectivism’ (i.e. collaborative action and resource distribution) on boycotting prevalence, that is, that culture affects people’s view of boycotting as an appropriate means for tackling political concerns. Also, Bair and Palpacuer (2012) stem on the theory of the varieties of capitalism and analyse to what extent different national institutional settings affected the development of anti-sweatshop politics. They, too, observe distinct shapes and ways of framing the approaches depending on the peculiar national institutional environments and political cultures.
- 11.
Similarly, Stolle and Micheletti speak of the ‘small vanguard of committed activists’ (Stolle and Micheletti 2013, 116) whose demands give rise to institutions which in turn provide the infrastructure that may facilitate the broader, more widespread political consumerism. Even so, based on their observations of the two organisations standing behind fair trade (Fairtrade International, FLO) and organic labelling (International Federation of Organic Agriculture Movements, IFOAM), they basically conclude with the assertion that the infrastructure—the existence of institutions providing information, awareness and security—is the more decisive element than the ‘vanguard activists’ in setting in motion political consumerism (Stolle and Micheletti 2013, 116–17; see also 135ff.).
- 12.
In a similar vein, Lüdemann (1997) alludes to a ‘feedback-process’ between supply and demand: companies will be willing to produce (in his case) ecological products if they can expect to sell a satisfactory amount. This depends on the demand which they perceive in the market. However, if such products are not available yet, the demand may neither exist nor be readily observable; instead, individuals may need to firstly identify the potential for a respective offer to appear in response to their activities, to be willing to engage in any activities for articulating their demand for (for example) ecological products. This makes initiating the process difficult (Lüdemann 1997, 23–4; see also Trumbull 2006), and may lead to comparable but varying developments across countries.
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Zorell, C.V. (2019). Explaining Political Consumerism. In: Varieties of Political Consumerism. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-91047-5_3
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