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Socio-Political Coordinates of Early-Modern Mechanics: A Preliminary Discussion

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Book cover Emergence and Expansion of Preclassical Mechanics

Part of the book series: Boston Studies in the Philosophy and History of Science ((BSPS,volume 270))

Abstract

How does a cultural-political understanding of science integrate socio-economic treatments? How can a historiography that takes subjectivity into account avoid the pitfall of post-modern relativism? The history of mechanics is a paradigmatic field to use in answering these questions and, in fact, it has always been at the center of much political-epistemological skirmish. This chapter first recounts the main motives and features of early twentieth-century social accounts of science. Further, it deals with the issue of how the need for a non-reductionist treatment of intellectual history (neither economicist nor monocausal) calls for an integration of the economic context and the political element for a more appropriate understanding of scientific development.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    See Porter (1990) and Young (1990). Also see Long (2011).

  2. 2.

    See Omodeo (2016b).

  3. 3.

    I discuss this issue with Roger Cooter in Omodeo (2015).

  4. 4.

    The reference work that is mostly mentioned as a watershed in the history of science is Schaffer and Shapin (1985). See their “Introduction to the 2011 Edition: Up for Air: Leviathan and the Air-Pump a Generation On,” in Schaffer and Shapin (2011, xi–l).

  5. 5.

    Cf. Stachel (1994).

  6. 6.

    Here all misgiving must thy mind reject./ Here cowardice must die and be no more.

  7. 7.

    On the oscillating assessment of the relationship between structure and superstructure and its relevance in cultural studies, see Hall (1980). The problem of consciousness is typically Lukácsian, whereas that of ideology and science is generally connected to the Frankfurter Schule. See for instance Habermas (1969). More recently, the Foucauldian strand has pointed out the biopolitical dimension of science, which goes beyond the “mental” emphasized by the concept of ideology. For an insightful discussion and case study, see Bruskell-Evans (2015).

  8. 8.

    Hessen’s essay first appeared in Science at the Cross Roads (London: Kniga, 1931), reprinted in 1971 (London: Frank). I will cite from the most recent edition in Freudenthal and McLaughlin (2009).

  9. 9.

    A similar idea, that ideology only accounts for the shortcomings of science, has been defended by the influential exponent of the French épistémologie historique George Canguilhem (2009).

  10. 10.

    For the intellectual context of Hessen’s work, see Winkler (2013). At his death, Hessen had an anthology of sources of early modern science ready for print. I am very thankful to Rose Luise Winkler and Peter McLaughlin for making it available at: http://www.philosophie.uni-hd.de/md/philsem/personal/hessen_textbook.pdf (accessed September 2, 2016). Cf. Winkler (2007).

  11. 11.

    Merton (1938, b). Merton openly acknowledged his intellectual debt toward Hessen but limited this to the issue of technology. See 501–502.

  12. 12.

    Cf. Schäfer (2012). On the split of rationality, Spaltung der Rationalität, resulting from the violent interruption of a virtuous synergy of natural science and philosophy from the mid-eighteenth century to the 1930s, see Engler and Renn (2010).

  13. 13.

    See Renn and Damerow (2007). See Chap. 1 of this volume.

  14. 14.

    Cf. Koyré (1943). This essay can be seen as the author’s manifesto of a disembodied history of science, as developed in his major works. The most important for the history of mechanics are Études galiléennes (Paris, 1939) and Newtonian Studies (Cambridge, Mass., 1965). In “Galileo Engineer” Lefèvre criticized Koyré’s speculative attitude and his neglect of the social context of early mechanics.

  15. 15.

    Cf. Renn and Damerow (2007).

  16. 16.

    See Omodeo (2014).

  17. 17.

    Cf. Grossman in Freudenthal and McLaughlin (2009, 141).

  18. 18.

    On statics, cf. Renn and Damerow (2012). On turning objects, cf. Büttner (2008). On Ballistics, cf. Valleriani (2013). For studies in the history of mechanics making use of the concept of “challenging object,” see Renn (2001) and Bertoloni Meli (2006).

  19. 19.

    For a recent treatment of this trajectory, see Renn and Damerow (2010).

  20. 20.

    Gramsci (2007a, 890). The title of this section is inspired by one of the most updated introductions to Gramsci, Thomas (2009).

  21. 21.

    Gramsci (1975, 1492) (author’s translation): “La questione della ‘obiettività’ della conoscenza secondo la filosofia della prassi può essere elaborata partendo dalla proposizione (contenuta nella prefazione alla Critica dell’economia politica) che ‘gli uomini diventano consapevoli (del conflitto tra le forze materiali di produzione) nel terreno ideologico’ delle forme giuridiche, politiche, religiose, artistiche, filosofiche.”

  22. 22.

    For an insightful treatment of diverging perspectives on structure and superstructure and their interconnection in Marxist thought, see Williams (1973).

  23. 23.

    Gramsci (2007, 1457): “Si può dire, tuttavia, che nello studio delle superstrutture la scienza occupi un posto privilegiato, per il fatto che la sua relazione sulla struttura ha un carattere particolare, di maggiore estensione e continuità di sviluppo [...].”

  24. 24.

    Marx (1987, 100) “[...] daß aber die Anatomie der bürgerlichen Gesellschaft in der politischen Ökonomie zu suchen sei.”

  25. 25.

    Notebook X, 41. See Gramsci (2007, 1321) (author’s translation): “Tra struttura e superstruttura esiste un nesso necessario e vitale. [...] Nel corpo umano non si può certo dire che la pelle (e anche il tipo di bellezza fisica storicamente prevalente) siano mere illusioni e che lo scheletro e l’anatomia siano la sola realtà, tuttavia per molto tempo si è detto qualcosa di simile. Mettendo in valore l’anatomia e la funzione dello scheletro nessuno ha voluto affermare che l’uomo (e tanto meno la donna) possano vivere senza di essa.” Also, see Notebook X, pt. 1, 12, note 5: vol. 2, 1237–1238.

  26. 26.

    Gramsci (2007, vol. 2, 1211).

  27. 27.

    Cf. Omodeo (2011, 41–48).

  28. 28.

    Cf. Garin (1958, 1). “Gramsci risente di tutto un clima culturale […] nella limitata attenzione rivolta […] agli “scienziati.” Also, see Geymonat, (1958, 148).

  29. 29.

    It was only men in the period considered by Zilsel.

  30. 30.

    Both expressions stem from Zilsel. See Zilsel [1942] (2000).

  31. 31.

    On artisanal knowledge and its codification see Smith (2004) and Long (2001). On practical knowledge, see Valleriani (2017). On art and science in the Renaissance, one can look at, among others, Bredekamp (2001).

  32. 32.

    Ursula Klein has made this point most forcefully in Klein (2015).

  33. 33.

    The figure of the “scientist engineer” was widely discussed in the history of science by Renn (2001), particularly in the contributions by Lefèvre (2001) and by Renn et al. (2001). Valleriani discusses it in detail in Galileo Engineer (2010, Chap. 6).

  34. 34.

    For an assessment of the relevance of university history for the study of knowledge transfer, see my introductory chapter to Omodeo with Friedrich (2016, 3–21).

  35. 35.

    See Schmitt (1981). Regarding Descartes’s views on the heartbeat see, among others, Grene (2005). As an insightful case study about the connection between mechanics and medicine in the seventeenth century via mechanicism, see Bertoloni Meli (2011).

  36. 36.

    See, among many publications on the subject, Westman (1975).

  37. 37.

    The classic reference is Rose (1975), although the emphasis on humanism shows clear bias toward idealistic history and Eurocentrism.

  38. 38.

    See, among others, d’Alessandro and Napolitani (2013).

  39. 39.

    The best study on Peurbach and Regiomontanus is Zinner (1968), Engl. transl., Regiomontanus: His Life and Work (1990). On the wider humanistic context, also see Omodeo and Pasini (2014).

  40. 40.

    On Copernicus’ humanism, see Hallyn (2000), on Vespucci, Vogel (2006).

  41. 41.

    Koyré (1961); Kuhn (1959); cf. Omodeo (2016b).

  42. 42.

    Ernst Cassirer’s understanding of the interconnection of astronomy and general worldviews in the Renaissance was led by a very different cultural agenda; his treatment was informed by the idea that the modern outlook coincided with a secularization of philosophy and of nature. See Cassirer (2002).

  43. 43.

    As an instance of culturalist revision (and revisionism) of earlier views about early modern science that emphasizes constituents such as religion, see Osler (2000).

  44. 44.

    See for instance Steven Harris’s treatment of “Jesuit spirituality” as a science-driving ideology in the context of early modern Jesuit engagement with scientific research and teaching, along a line of inquiry that has been opened up by Rivka Feldhay: Harris (1989).

  45. 45.

    Let me stress the relevance of the philosophical discussions at the beginning of the twentieth century, ranging from neo-Kantianism and empiriocriticism to historical materialism, phenomenology and the philosophy of symbolic forms, as an extremely rich repository of perspectives and unfulfilled potentialities. On the divorce between science and philosophy in the turn of the 1930s, see Engler and Renn (2010). Moreover, for a critical assessment of the epistemological limitations of Cold-War philosophy of science, see Reisch (2005).

  46. 46.

    Among the assessments on the vitality of Gramsci’s thought today, especially see Anderson (2016). The presence and absence of Gramsci in science studies, in particular the concept of hegemony, is discussed in Nieto-Galan (2011), and Omodeo (2016a and 2016c). Nieto-Galan has particularly shown the usefulness of this appropriation for issues such as popularization and the circulation of knowledge in the public sphere: Nieto-Galan (2016). The theoretical reassessment of the Gramscian perspective, aimed at by this essay, is at the basis of the volume project edited by Badino and Omodeo (2019).

  47. 47.

    In this respect, I deem post-structuralist readings of Gramsci, such as those of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, to sterilize rather than reinforce a crucial category such as that of hegemony by reducing it to identity-constitutive discursive struggles (Laclau and Mouffe 1985). By contrast, I would emphasize the fruitfulness of an approach to socio-cultural phenomena looking at the interrelation and tension between position and identity, as has been wonderfully done in the framework of Subaltern Studies. Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, for one, has defined subalternity along a Gramscian line as “a position without identity” thus appropriating for subaltern studies a crucial issue of Marxist thought, traditionally addressed as the problem of the relation between class and consciousness. Cf. Spivak (2005, 476).

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Omodeo, P.D. (2018). Socio-Political Coordinates of Early-Modern Mechanics: A Preliminary Discussion. In: Feldhay, R., Renn, J., Schemmel, M., Valleriani, M. (eds) Emergence and Expansion of Preclassical Mechanics. Boston Studies in the Philosophy and History of Science, vol 270. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-90345-3_3

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