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Sydney’s Iberoamerican Plaza and the Limits of Multiculturalism

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Mapping South-South Connections

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Abstract

Since the 1970s, immigration has been one of the primary means of understanding connections between Australia and a variety of Latin American nations. However, when compared to the number of Asian migrants arriving in Australia in the same period, Latin Americans are often overlooked. Instead, they are contextualized as part of Australia’s turn toward multiculturalism that was first officially sanctioned by Australian Prime Minister Gough Whitlam. Using Sydney’s Iberoamerican Plaza as a case study, this chapter considers the conceptual limits to multicultural representation in late twentieth-century Australia. Specifically, the chapter demonstrates how the construction, maintenance, and legacy of the plaza were very much affected by a general lack of understanding among Sydney city officials about Latin American, Spanish, and Portuguese cultures and traditions (and the distinctions between them). It also demonstrates that attempting to include a large number of stakeholders as well as shifts in government policy often hampers multiculturalist efforts of this sort.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Unless otherwise indicated, all photos are taken by the author.

  2. 2.

    Due to a number of efforts to standardize Portuguese spelling over the past two hundred years, there are a number of different ways to spell Fernandez de Quiros’ last name. The most popular of these is: Fernandes de Queirós. Since none of the documents in the City of Sydney Archival Files related to him use this spelling, however, I have chosen to leave it as it appears in those documents in this article.

  3. 3.

    The Spanish Empire relied on the expeditions of many non-Spanish explorers. For example, Christopher Columbus was from the Italian city-state of Genoa (Columbus 1990). The case of Fernandez de Quiros is a bit different. At the time of his 1606 expedition, Spain and Portugal were not separate nations. In fact, resulting from a Portuguese crisis of succession in 1578, the two countries were joined by Phillip II of Spain to form the Iberian Union. Portugal was officially under Spanish control until the Portuguese revolution in 1640 (Gallego 1986).

  4. 4.

    For additional studies of memorials and nationalism, see: Agulhon (1978), Anderson (1983), and Doss (2010).

  5. 5.

    For a very good discussion of assimilation as it applied to both Aboriginal and immigrant “ethnics” in Australia in between 1950 and 1970, see: Haebich (2007, pp. 9–10). This is also an argument advanced by (Thobani 2007) for Canada. See also Castles et al. (1992, p. 1). Though Australia has accepted more immigrants relative to the size of the existing population than any other country since the mid-twentieth century, the culture has remained fairly homogeneous and identifiably constructed to favour those who conform to the “Australian way of life.”

  6. 6.

    The White Australia Policy has been the subject of intense scholarly scrutiny since its inception. At its most basic, the phrase “white Australia policy” refers to the enactment of Australia’s Immigration Restriction Act in 1901 and the subsequent seven decades of strict limitation of non-white migrants. For more fulsome discussions of this policy, see: Affeldt (2014), Jayasuriya et al. (2003); Jupp and Kabala (1993), Tavan (2005), and Windschuttle (2004).

  7. 7.

    Ramos and Grassby may have been exaggerating the size of the Latin American population at the time. As of the 2006 Australian census, approximately 94,000 people claimed Latin American heritage throughout the whole country. However, it is possible that the 100,000 figure was meant to encompass all Iberian-connected communities (Australian Bureau of Statistics).

  8. 8.

    The park was founded in 1868 to honour the British prince during his first royal tour to Australia. That visit was notable in Australian history, as it included an assassination attempt on the prince’s life in the Clontarf Picnic Grounds. Out of embarrassment, city officials rushed to name a number of city spaces after the prince, such as the Royal Prince Alfred Hospital, as recompense. For more information regarding the history of Prince Alfred Park, see: Cooke (1997), Prince Alfred Park (2013), and Redfern (1999).

  9. 9.

    The order of statues donated to the city is as follows: [1986–1988] Pedro Fernandez de Quiros (Spain), Benito Juarez (Mexico), José Gervasio Artigas (Uruguay), Simon Bolívar (Venezuela); [1989] Bernardo O’Higgins (Chile); [1990] Eugenio de Santa Cruz y Espejo (Ecuador); [1991] Antonio Nariño (Colombia), José Martí (Cuba); [1995] Prince Henry the Navigator (Portugal); José Rizal (Philippines); [2000] Miguel Grau Seminario (Peru); Juana Azurduy de Padilla (Bolivia); José de San Martin (Argentina).

  10. 10.

    It should be noted that, though the original contract only stipulated four statues, it also obligated the city to a permanent preservation order. Additionally, the first mention of a Filipino statue or bust being included in the plaza was 9 May 1992 at a ceremony that honoured the placement of a commemorative plaque representing the Philippines. Then ambassador Rora Navarro-Tolentino spoke at the event and stated that the plaque was a stand-in for the bust of José Rizal that would eventually be donated to the city (Ramos Albarracin 1993, pp. 91–93).

  11. 11.

    Even that number was somewhat conservative. Not including Spain, Portugal, or the Philippines, there are currently twenty-six nations or territories in Latin America that might be considered connected to the Iberian colonial legacy.

  12. 12.

    This report indicated that there had been efforts made to relocate the plaza’s statues to Parramatta. In fact, the report included correspondence with the president of the Australian National Council for the Commemoration of the Fifth Centenary of the Discovery of America, see p. 1.

  13. 13.

    It probably was this fact that ensured Bolivia’s contribution be accepted by the city. See Projects and Public Spaces Committee (1995, Attachment B, p. 5).

  14. 14.

    Al Grassby also wrote a letter to the council in the same vein, alluding to the fact that leaving the plaza in its current state might suggest preference for certain groups, see Projects and Public Spaces Committee (1995, Attachment C, p. 8). At this time, there still remains one additional statue that has been proposed by the Brazilian Consul General. There seems to be no current effort to follow up with this endeavour, see Cramer (2001, p. 2).

  15. 15.

    The Iberoamerican Consular Corps were comprised of representatives from the various Latin American consulates in Sydney at the time.

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Acknowledgments

I would like to thank Warwick Anderson, Miranda Johnson, Ben Silverstein, and Robert Aldrich for giving feedback on earlier versions of this article. The Australian Research Council Laureate Fellowship “Race and Ethnicity in the Global South” supported research for this article. I also received support from the European Research Council Project “The Colour of Labour” 695573, PI: Cristiana Bastos.

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Walsh, S. (2019). Sydney’s Iberoamerican Plaza and the Limits of Multiculturalism. In: Peñaloza, F., Walsh, S. (eds) Mapping South-South Connections. Studies of the Americas. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-78577-6_8

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