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The Legends on the Yale Martellus Map

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Book cover Henricus Martellus’s World Map at Yale (c. 1491)

Abstract

Using the 2014 multispectral images, I have been able to read many of the legends on the Yale Martellus map, and I present those legends, together with English translations and commentary, in the following pages. My purpose in studying the legends has been twofold: first, to gain a deeper understanding of the map itself, which is one of the most important and influential of the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries and yet is almost entirely unstudied, and, second, to explore the nature of the relationship between the Martellus map and Martin Waldseemüller’s famous world map of 1507. As mentioned in my introductory remarks above, the general similarity between the Yale Martellus map and Waldseemüller’s 1507 map has been noted previously, but the extent to which Waldseemüller might have used the Martellus map as a source for the details of his map had never been investigated.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    A set of multispectral images of all 55 of the “tiles” that the Yale Martellus map was divided into for imaging are supplied as Supplementary Images 2.1, 2.2, 2.3, 2.4, 2.5, 2.6, 2.7, 2.8, 2.9, 2.10, 2.11, 2.12, 2.13, 2.14, 2.15, 2.16, 2.17, 2.18, 2.19, 2.20, 2.21, 2.22, 2.23, 2.24, 2.25, 2.26, 2.27, 2.28, 2.29, 2.30, 2.31, 2.32, 2.33, 2.34, 2.35, 2.36, 2.37, 2.38, 2.39, 2.40, 2.41, 2.42, 2.43, 2.44, 2.45, 2.46, 2.47, 2.48, 2.49, 2.50, 2.51, 2.52, 2.53, 2.54, and 2.55.

  2. 2.

    On the Caverio chart, see note 95 in Chap. 1.

  3. 3.

    Waldseemüller’s use of Caverio’s chart is well demonstrated by Joseph Fischer and Franz Ritter von Wieser, Die älteste Karte mit dem Namen Amerika (see note 14 in Front Matter), pp. 26–29.

  4. 4.

    On the encyclopedic character of medieval mappaemundi, see Richard Uhden, “Zur Herkunft und Systematik der mittelalterlichen Weltkarten,” Geographische Zeitschrift 37 (1931), pp. 321–340, esp. 321; Peter Barber, “Visual Encyclopedias,” The Map Collector 48 (1989), pp. 2–8; and especially Margriet Hoogvliet, “Mappae mundi and Medieval Encyclopaedias: Image versus Text,” in Peter Binkley, ed., Pre-Modern Encyclopaedic Texts: Proceedings of the Second COMERS Congress, Groningen, July 1–4, 1996 (Leiden: Brill, 1997), pp. 63–74.

  5. 5.

    This manuscript is reproduced in facsimile in Fischer, Claudii Ptolemaei Geographiae, Codex Vrbinas Graecvs 82 (see note 8 in Chap. 1). Wind-heads also appear on a number of medieval mappaemundi, and the earliest appearance of wind-heads on maps that I know of is on a map described in a poem by Theodulf (c. 760–821), specifically near the end of his poem 47, “On Another Picture, in which the Likeness of the Earth was Represented in the Form of a Circle”: the Latin text is edited in Ernst Dümmler, ed., Poetae latini aevi Carolini (Berlin: Weidmann, 1881), p. 548; the passage is translated in Alexandrenko, Nikolai A., “The Poetry of Theodulf of Orleans: A Translation and Critical Study,” Ph.D. Dissertation, Tulane University, 1970, p. 270; and the Latin and English are quoted in Marcia Kupfer, “Medieval World Maps: Embedded Images, Interpretive Frames,” Word and Image 10 (1994), pp. 262–288, at 266.

  6. 6.

    On the Martellus-Rosselli map, there are only eight wind-heads rather than twelve; I am inclined to think that Martellus used the smaller number on that map simply for reasons of space. There is an excellent study of the iconography of wind personifications by Thomas Raff, “Die Ikonographie der mittelalterlichen Windpersonifikationen,” Aachener Kunstblätter 48 (1978–1979), pp. 71–218, but unfortunately he does not address wind-heads in detail. There is some discussion of wind-heads on maps from the Middle Ages through the sixteenth century in Chet Van Duzer, “A Newly Discovered Fourth Exemplar of Francesco Rosselli’s Oval Planisphere of c.1508,” Imago Mundi 60.2 (2008), pp. 195–201.

  7. 7.

    Waldseemüller and Matthias Ringmann discuss the winds in Chapter 8 of their Cosmographiae introductio, published to accompany the 1507 map, but the sources for the material about the winds there are Roman poets, rather than Isidore’s De natura rerum, so there is no apparent influence of Martellus’s map in that work. For the passage see Martin Waldseemüller, The Cosmographiae introductio of Martin Waldseemüller in Facsimile: Followed by the Four Voyages of Amerigo Vespucci, with their Translation into English, trans. Joseph Fischer and Franz von Wieser, ed. Charles George Herbermann (New York: United States Catholic Historical Society, 1907), pp. xxv–xxviii (Latin) and 64–67 (English); and John W. Hessler, The Naming of America: Martin Waldseemüller’s 1507 World Map and the Cosmographiae introductio (Washington, DC: Library of Congress, 2008), pp. 95–99.

  8. 8.

    Isidore’s De natura rerum was published in Augsburg by Günther Zainer in 1472 (under the title De responsione mundi et de astrorum ordinatione), so Martellus could have consulted the work in a printed edition rather than in a manuscript. The standard modern edition is Isidore of Seville, Traité de la nature, ed. and trans. Jacques Fontaine (Bordeaux: Féret, 1960). There is an English translation as Isidore of Seville, On the Nature of Things, trans. Calvin B. Kendall and Faith Wallis (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2016).

  9. 9.

    Isidore, De rerum natura, 37.4, has Quartus est cardinalis Zephyrus, qui et Favonius ab Occidente interiori flans. Iste hiemis rigorem gratissima vice relaxat, flores producit. See Fontaine’s edition and translation into French in Traité de la nature (see note 8 in Chap. 2), pp. 296–297.

  10. 10.

    Isidore, De rerum natura, Chapter 37.4, gives Africus, qui dicitur Lips ex Zephyri dextro latere intonans: hic generat tempestates, et pluvias, et facit nubium collisiones, et sonitus tonitruorum, et crebrescentium fulgorum visus, et fulminum impulsus. See Fontaine, Traité de la nature (see note 8 in Chap. 2), pp. 296–297.

  11. 11.

    Isidore, De rerum natura 37.3, has Libonotus, vel Austroafricus ventus est temperatus, calidus a sinistris Austri spirans. See Fontaine, Traité de la nature (see note 8 in Chap. 2), pp. 296–297.

  12. 12.

    Isidore, De natura rerum 37.3 has Auster, plagae meridianae cardinalis, qui et Notus, ex humili flans, humidus, calidus atque fulmineus, generans largas nubes, et pluvias laetissimas, solvens etiam flores. See Fontaine, Traité de la nature (see note 8 in Chap. 2), pp. 296–297.

  13. 13.

    Isidore, De natura rerum 37.3: Euronotus. Idem enim Euronotus qui et Euroauster…. Euroauster, calidus ventus, a dextris intonat Austri. See Fontaine, Traité de la nature (see note 8 in Chap. 2), pp. 296–297.

  14. 14.

    Isidore, De natura rerum 37.2 has Eurus, ex sinistro latere veniens subsolani, orientem nubibus irrigat. See Fontaine, Traité de la nature (see note 8 in Chap. 2), pp. 294–295.

  15. 15.

    Isidore, De natura rerum 37.3 has Euroauster, calidus ventus, a dextris intonat Austri. Libonotus, vel Austroafricus ventus est temperatus, calidus a sinistris Austri spirans. See Fontaine, Traité de la nature (see note 8 in Chap. 2), pp. 296–297.

  16. 16.

    Isidore, De natura rerum 37.2 has Secundus ventorum cardinalis Subsolanus, qui et Apeliotes. Hic ab ortu solis intonat, et est temperatus. See Fontaine, Traité de la nature (see note 8 in Chap. 2), pp. 294–295.

  17. 17.

    Isidore, De natura rerum 37.2 has Vulturnus ipse, qui et Caecias vocatur, dexterior Subsolani. Hic dissolvit cuncta atque desiccat. See Fontaine, Traité de la nature (see note 8 in Chap. 2), pp. 294–295.

  18. 18.

    Isidore, De natura rerum 37.1 has Aquilo ventus qui et Boreas vocatur, ex alto flans, gelidus atque siccus, et sine pluvia, qui non discutit nubes, sed stringit; unde et non immerito diaboli formam induit, qui iniquitatis frigore gentilium corda constringit. See Fontaine, Traité de la nature (see note 8 in Chap. 2), pp. 294–295.

  19. 19.

    Isidore, De natura rerum, 37.1 has Primus ventorum cardinalis, Septentrio, frigidus et nivalis, flat rectus ab axe, et facit arida frigora et siccas nubes. Hic et Aparctias. See Fontaine, Traité de la nature (see note 8 in Chap. 2), pp. 294–295.

  20. 20.

    Isidore, De natura rerum 37.1 has Circius que thracias hic a dextris septentrionis intonans facit nives et grandinum coagulationes. See Fontaine, Traité de la nature (see note 8 in Chap. 2), pp. 294–295.

  21. 21.

    Isidore, De natura rerum 37.4-5 has Corus, qui et Argestes, ex sinistra parte Favonii spirans, eo flante, in Oriente nubila sunt, in India serena. Quosdam autem Tranquillus proprios locorum flatus propriis appellat vocabulis. See Fontaine, Traité de la nature (see note 8 in Chap. 2), pp. 296–297.

  22. 22.

    The 1367 Pizzigani chart is in Parma, Biblioteca Palatina, Carta nautica no. 1612, and there is a good hand-drawn facsimile of the chart in Edme-François Jomard, Les monuments de la géographie (Paris: Duprat, 1842–1862), nos. 44–49; and a photographic reproduction in Cavallo, Cristoforo Colombo e l’apertura degli spazi (see note 42 in Chap. 1), vol. 1, pp. 432–433. There is a good digital reproduction of the chart in Pujades i Bataller, Les cartes portolanes, on the accompanying CD, number C13. The Library of Congress has a hand-painted copy of the map made by Agostinho Sardi in Parma in 1802, which is very briefly described in Walter W. Ristow and R. A. Skelton, Nautical Charts on Vellum in the Library of Congress (Washington, DC: The Library, 1977), p. 2. There is also a hand-painted copy of the map made in 1827, which is in Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Cod. Ser. Nov. 4676.

  23. 23.

    For transcriptions of the legends about the winds on the Pizzigani chart, see Mario Longhena, “La carta dei Pizigano del 1367 (posseduta dalla Biblioteca Palatina di Parma),” Archivio storico per le province Parmensi, series 4, vol. 5 (1953), pp. 25–130, esp. 51.

  24. 24.

    See Lambert of St. Omer, Lamberti S. Avdomari Canonici Liber Floridvs. Codex authographus bibliothecae universitatis Gandavensis, ed. Albertus Derolez (Ghent: In aedibus Story-Scientia, 1968), which includes a color reproduction of the map in question on p. 49, and a transcription of the legends about the winds in the section at the end of the volume, p. 9. The diagram is also reproduced, with brief commentary, in Barbara Obrist, “Wind Diagrams and Medieval Cosmology,” Speculum 72.1 (1997), pp. 33–84, at p. 55; there is more detailed discussion of the diagram in Karen De Coene, “Van waar de wind waait. Het religieuze wereldbeeld van Lambertus van Sint-Omaars,” Trajecta 18 (2009), pp. 3–22.

  25. 25.

    See Destombes, Mappemondes (see note 10 in Front Matter), p. 113, where this diagram is indicated as number II, and pp. 115–116 for details of the manuscripts.

  26. 26.

    The legends about the winds on the Ebstorf mappamundi, starting in the west and proceeding clockwise, may be found in Hartmut Kugler, Die Ebstorfer Weltkarte (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 2007), (1) vol. 1, p. 142, no. 57.35, and vol. 2, p. 316; (2) vol. 1, p. 148, no. 60.3, and vol. 2, p. 328; (3) vol. 1, p. 126, no. 49.10, and vol. 2, p. 275; (4) vol. 1, p. 84, no. 28.10, and vol. 2, p. 156; (5) vol. 1, p. 56, no. 14.7, and vol. 2, p. 104; (6) vol. 1, p. 40, no. 6.3, and vol. 2, p. 84; (7) vol. 1, p. 36, no. 4.3, and vol. 2, p. 79; (8) vol. 1, p. 32, no. 2.2, and vol. 2, p. 75; (9) vol. 1, p. 58, no. 15.1, and vol. 2, p. 105; (10) vol. 1, p. 72, no. 22.3, and vol. 2, p. 129; (11) vol. 1, p. 114, no. 43.12, and vol. 2, p. 237; and (12) vol. 1, p. 140, no. 56.5, and vol. 2, p. 308.

  27. 27.

    On the wind legends on the Hereford mappamundi, see Scott D. Westrem, The Hereford Map: A Transcription and Translation of the Legends with Commentary (Turnhout: Brepols, 2001), pp. 12–19, nos. 20–31.

  28. 28.

    Roberto Almagià, “Worldmap by Henricus Martellus at Berne,” June, 1960 (see note 2 in Front Matter), p. 2.

  29. 29.

    On Nicolaus Germanus’s deferential attitude toward classical authorities, see note 43 in Chap. 1.

  30. 30.

    See Milton Vasil Anastos, “Pletho, Strabo, and Columbus,” Annuaire de l’Institut de Philologie ed d’Histoire Orientales et Slaves 12 (1952), pp. 1–18 = Mélanges Henri Grégoire, vol. 4 (Brussels: Secrétariat des éditions de l’Institut, 1953); reprinted in Milton V. Anastos, Studies in Byzantine Intellectual History (London: Variorum Reprints, 1979), article XVII, esp. pp. 13–18.

  31. 31.

    In fact the first part of Waldseemüller’s legend comes from the preface to the edition of Vespucci’s voyages in the Cosmographiae introductio: see Waldseemüller, The Cosmographiae introductio of Martin Waldseemüller in Facsimile (see note 7 in Chap. 2), pp. xlv (Latin) and 88 (English). And incidentally the phrase “quarum vetusti non meminerunt autores” from Waldseemüller’s text reappears in the title of Waldseemüller’s Carta marina of 1516, which runs Carta marina navigatoria, Portugallenses navigationes atque tocius cogniti orbis terre marisque formam naturamque, situs et terminos nostris temporibus recognitos et ab antiquorum traditione differentes, eciam quorum vetusti non meminerunt autores, hec generaliter indicat, that is, “This marine nautical chart indicates generally the navigations of the Portuguese, and the form and nature of the whole known sphere of land and of sea, the places and boundaries discovered in our times and differing from the tradition of the ancients, as well as those which ancient authors did not mention.”

  32. 32.

    The English translation is from Hessler, The Naming of America (see note 7 in Chap. 2), p. 17, with some modifications. The legend is also transcribed, translated into English, and discussed in Gaetano Ferro, Luisa Faldini, Marica Milanesi, et al., Columbian Iconography, ed. Gianni Eugenio Viola (Rome: Istituto polografico e Zecca dello Stato, Libreria dello Stato, 1992), pp. 462–463.

  33. 33.

    The translation of Waldseemüller’s legend is from Hessler, The Naming of America (see note 7 in Chap. 2), p. 30.

  34. 34.

    Many medieval and Renaissance authors asked for their readers’ indulgence, but it is tempting to think that Martellus was inspired here by a similar request that Donnus Nicolaus Germanus, his former colleague and/or teacher, made in the dedication of some of his manuscripts of Ptolemy’s Geography, where he writes: “If those who are not altogether ignorant of geography or cosmography, and are in the habit of reading Ptolemy, will compare, with a calm mind, our picture with his, they will certainly think our picture worthy of some praise, instead of blaming it….” For the bibliographic details see note 43 in Chap. 1.

  35. 35.

    This legend is illustrated, transcribed, and translated into English in Gaetano Ferro, Luisa Faldini, Marica Milanesi, et al., Columbian Iconography, ed. Gianni Eugenio Viola (Rome: Istituto polografico e Zecca dello Stato, Libreria dello Stato, 1992), pp. 456–457, and is also translated into English by Hessler, The Naming of America (see note 7 in Chap. 2), p. 34.

  36. 36.

    The Latin is from Pliny the Elder, C. Plini Secundi Naturalis historiae libri XXXVII, ed. Karl Mayhoff (Leipzig: Teubner, 1906–1909), vol. 1, p. 344; and the English translation is from Pliny the Elder, The Natural History, trans. John Bostock and H. T. Riley (London: H. G. Bohn, 1855–1857), vol. 1, pp. 339–342 (Book 4, Chapter 27, in the numbering of this edition), but I have replaced Bostock’s reading of “Raunonia” for the name of the island with “Baunonia,” the reading in the Latin text; in a note, Bostock remarks that “Raunonia” is an emendation of the older reading “Bannomanna.”

  37. 37.

    Karl Müllenhoff, Deutsche Altertumskunde (Berlin: Weidmann, 1890–1908), vol. 1, pp. 476, 481, and 483; Detlef Detlefsen, “Zur Kenntnis der Alten von der Nordsee,” Hermes 32 (1897), pp. 191–201, at 195; Franz Matthias, Über Pytheas von Massilia und die ältesten nachrichten von den Germanen (Berlin: Druck von W. Pormetter, 1901–1902), vol. 1, pp. 30–31; and Fridtjof Nansen, In Northern Mists: Arctic Exploration in Early Times, trans. Arthur G. Chater (New York: Frederick A. Stokes Co., 1911), vol. 1, pp. 70 and 98–99

  38. 38.

    See Pomponius Mela, Pomponius Mela’s Description of the World, trans. Frank E. Romer (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1998), pp. 113–114: “For quite some time it was unclear what lay beyond Caspian Bay, whether it was the same Ocean or a hostile, cold land that extended without a border and without end. But in addition to the natural philosophers and Homer, who all said that the entire known world was surrounded by sea, there is Cornelius Nepos, who is more dependable as an authority because he is more modern. Nepos, however, adduces Quintus Metellus Celer as witness of the fact, and he records that Metellus reported it as follows. When Celer was proconsul of Gaul, certain Indians were presented to him as a gift by the king of the Boii. By asking what route they had followed to reach there, Celer learned that they had been snatched by storm from Indian waters, that they had traversed the intervening region, and they finally they had arrived on the shores of Germany. Ergo, the sea is continuous, but the rest of that same coast is frozen by the unremitting cold and is therefore deserted.”

  39. 39.

    For the discussion of the arrival of Indians on the coast of Germany, see Humphrey Gilbert, A Discourse written by Sir Humphrey Gilbert Knight, to Proue a Passage by the Northwest to Cathaia, and the East Indies, in Richard Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation (Glasgow: J. MacLehose and Sons, 1903–1905), vol. 7, pp. 158–203, esp. Chap. 4, pp. 172–173; Richard Hennig, Terrae Incognitae: Eine Zusammenstellung und kritische Bewertung der wichtigsten vorcolumbischen Entdeckungsreisen an Hand der darüber vorliegenden Originalberichte (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1944–1956), vol. 1, pp. 289–292; J. André, “Des Indiens en Germanie?” Journal des Savants 1982, pp. 45–55; Benjamin Olshin, “A Sea Discovered: Pre-Columbian Conceptions and Depictions of the Atlantic Ocean,” Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Toronto, 1994, pp. 106–109; Klaus Tausend, “Inder in Germanien,” Orbis Terrarum 5 (1999), pp. 115–125; and Alexander V. Podossinov, “The Indians in Northern Europe? On the Ancient Roman Notion of the Configuration of Eurasia,” in Alexander V. Podossinov, ed., Periphery of the Classical World in Ancient Geography and Cartography (Leuven; Prais; Walpole, MA: Peeters, 2014), pp. 133–145. Also, the passage in Pomponius Mela is alluded to in a legend in the Atlantic on the Genoese world map of 1457 (Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, Portolano 1); for a transcription and translation of the legend, see Edward Luther Stevenson, Genoese World Map, 1457 (New York: American Geographical Society and Hispanic Society of America, 1912), pp. 55–56. And Christopher Columbus was very interested in evidence of lands beyond the ocean washed up on sea shores: see Fernando Colón, The History of the Life and Deeds of the Admiral Don Christopher Columbus, Attributed to his Son Fernando Colón, ed. Ilaria Caraci Luzzana, trans. Geoffrey Symcox and Blair Sullivan (Turnhout: Brepols, 2004), Chapter 9, pp. 45–49 (English) and 248–251 (Italian).

  40. 40.

    Piccolomini, Historia rerum ubique gestarum, Chapter 2: Plinius Nepotis testimonio utitur qui Metello Celeri Galliae proconsuli donatos a rege Suevorum Indos astruit qui ex India commercii causa navigantes tempestatibus essent in Germaniam arrepti. Nos apud Ottonem legimus sub imperatoribus Teutonicis Indicam navem et negociatores Indos in Germanico litore fuisse deprehensos quos ventis agitatos ingratis ab orientali plaga venisse constabat: quod accidere minime potuisset si, ut plerique visum est, Septentrionale pelagus innavigabile concretumque esset. A columnis Herculeis Mauritanie atque Hispaniae et Galliarum circuitus…. This chapter is part of Piccolomini’s description of Asia, which has been edited and translated into Spanish by Domingo F. Sanz as Descripción de Asia, Eneas Silvio Piccolomini (Papa Pío II) (Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, 2010), in which the passage in question is on pp. 106 (Latin) and 107 (Spanish).

  41. 41.

    Incidentally this passage in Piccolomini’s work attracted a marginal comment in Columbus’s copy of the book: see the facsimile edition of that copy, published as Historia rerum: cuyo original se encuentra en la Biblioteca Colombina de Sevilla (Madrid: Testimonio Compañía Editorial, 1991), f. 2v, and translated as Historia rerum ubique gestarum del papa Pio II, trans. Antonio Ramírez de Verger (Madrid: Testimonio Compañía Editorial, 1991), p. 13.

  42. 42.

    And the Cape Verde islands are well delineated in Grazioso Benincasa’s atlas of 1468 (i.e., on a map made before 1472) which is in London, British Library Add. MS 6390, f. 9r. The map is reproduced in Henry Yule Oldham, “The Discovery of the Cape Verde Islands,” in Festschrift Ferdinand Freiherrn von Richthofen zum sechzigsten Geburtstag am 5. mai 1893 dargebracht von seinen Schülern (Berlin: D. Reimer, 1893), pp. 181–195 between pp. 194 and 195; for discussion of this atlas, see Marina Emiliani, “Le carte nautiche dei Benincasa, cartografi anconetani,” Bollettino della Real Società Geografica Italiana 73 (1936), pp. 485–510, no. 10.

  43. 43.

    For discussion of the discovery of the archipelago, see Oldham, “The Discovery of the Cape Verde Islands” (see note 42 in Chap. 2); António Brásio, “Descobrimiento, povoamento, evangelização do Arquipélago de Cabo-Verde,” Studia: Revista do Centro de Estudos Historicos Ultramarinos 10 (1962), pp. 49–97, esp. 52–76; and Armando Cortesão, “Descobrimento e representação das ilhas de Cabo Verde na cartografia antiga,” Memórias da Academia de Ciências de Lisboa, Classe de Ciências 21 (1976–1977), pp. 229–250; also see A. Teixeira da Mota, “Cinco séculos de cartografia das ilhas de Cabo Verde,” Garcia de Orta, Revista da Junta de Investigaçoes do Ultramar 9.1 (1961), pp. 11–16 with 24 plates. A manuscript by Valentim Fernandes of 1506–1508 gives the earliest known description of the islands, and his maps are the earliest large-scale maps of the islands: see A. Fontoura da Costa, Cartas das Ilhas de Cabo Verde de Valentim Fernandes, 1506–1508 (Lisbon: Divisão de Publicações e Biblioteca, Agência Geral das Colónias, 1939), who has good lists of the toponyms of the islands in early documents and maps pp. 61–63 and illustrates the islands in several maps on a chart between pp. 56 and 57; and Valentim Fernandes, Description de la côte occidentale d’Afrique (Sénégal du Cap de Monte, Archipels), eds. Théodore Monod, A. Teixeira da Mota, and Raymond Mauny (Bissau: Centro de Estudos da Guiné Portuguesa 1951), esp. pp. 108–147.

  44. 44.

    In Prásek’s edition of the Naples manuscript of Polo—see Marco Polo, Marka Pavlova z Benátek, Milion: Dle jediného rukopisu spolu s prilusnym zakladem latinskym, ed. Justin Václav Prásek (Prague: Nákl. Ceské akademie císare Frantiska Iozefa, 1902)—the chapter on the Islands of Men and Women is Book 3, Chapter 37, pp. 182–183. For discussion of these islands, see The Book of Ser Marco Polo, ed. and trans. Henry Yule (New York: C. Scribner’s Sons, 1903), vol. 2, pp. 405–406; also see Domenico Silvestri’s De insulis et earum proprietatibus, an encyclopedia of the world’s islands written between 1385 and 1410, which was edited by C. Pecoraro in Atti della Accademia di scienze, lettere e arti di Palermo 14.2 (1954), pp. 1–319; and now there is an edition with a Spanish translation by José Manuel Montesdeoca, Los islarios de la época del humanismo: el ‘De Insulis’ de Domenico Silvestri, edición y traducción (La Laguna: Servicio de Publicaciones Universidad de La Laguna, 2004), s.v. “Feminina insula” and “Masculina insula,” pp. 117 and 156–157 in Montesdeoca’s edition. Paul Pelliot, Notes on Marco Polo (Paris: Impr. nationale, 1959–1973), vol. 2, pp. 671–725, has a long section on eastern analogues of the tale.

  45. 45.

    On Jorath see George Sarton, “Jorach (or Yôrâh), Unknown Author of a Book on Animals,” Isis 15.1 (Feb., 1931), pp. 171–172; and Isabelle Draelants, “Le dossier des livres sur les animaux et les plantes de Iorach: tradition occidentale et orientale,” in Isabelle Draelants, Anne Tihon, and Baudouin van den Abeele, eds., Occident et Proche-Orient: contacts scientifiques au temps des croisades. Actes du Colloque de Louvain-la-Neuve, 24-25 mars 1997 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2000), pp. 191–276.

  46. 46.

    Vincent de Beauvais, Speculum naturale 20.38, “De Leuiathan,” in Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum quadruplex; sive, Speculum maius (Graz: Akademische Druck- u. Verlaganstalt, 1964–1965), vol. 1, col. 1480.

  47. 47.

    Arnold the Saxon, De floribus rerum naturalium, Book 2 (De naturis animalium), Chapter 8 (De natura operationis piscium); see Emil Stange, Die Encyclopädie des Arnoldus Saxo, zum ersten Mal nach einem Erfurter Codex (Erfurt: F. Bartholomäus, 1905–1907), vol. 1, p. 64–65.

  48. 48.

    Guido da Pisa, Expositiones et glose super Comediam Dantis; or, Commentary on Dante’s Inferno, ed. Vincenzo Cioffari (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1974), p. 659 (on Inferno 31.49–57).

  49. 49.

    The passage on the leviathan fighting the whale is in Hortus Sanitatis (Strassburg: Johann Prüss, not after 21 Oct. 1497); the entry for “Leuiathan,” which is “De piscibus,” Chapter 50, contains just a few details and refers the reader to “De animalibus,” Chapter 84, also on “Leuiathan,” where the story is related. For bibliography on the Hortus Sanitatis, see note 100 in Chap. 1.

  50. 50.

    Arnold Ritter von Harff, The Pilgrimage of Arnold von Harff, Knight, from Cologne, through Italy, Syria, Egypt, Arabia, Ethiopia, Nubia, Palestine, Turkey, France and Spain, Which He Accomplished in the Years 1496 to 1499, trans. Malcolm Letts (London: Hakluyt Society, 1946) (= Works Issued by the Hakluyt Society, 2nd ser., no. 94), p. 158

  51. 51.

    Johann Schöner on his globe of 1515 has a legend in this same part of the Indian Ocean that is very similar to Waldseemüller’s and also an image of the leviathan that is copied from that in the Hortus Sanitatis—I compare Schöner’s image with that in the Hortus Sanitatis in my Sea Monsters on Medieval and Renaissance Maps (London: British Library, 2013), p. 72. So Schöner perceived a connection between the legend and the Hortus Sanitatis.

  52. 52.

    The two multispectral images in question are Supplementary Image 2.56 (C04R04b_bands01-22_RF+FL_cal_r90_cartouche_PC7) and Supplementary Image 2.57. (C04R04_RF+FL_cal_r90_med3_ratio_box101_stats_C06R02_PCA_R1G2B8_hue-45_sat-45).

  53. 53.

    This information comes from one of two chapters in the Hortus Sanitatis, either “De piscibus,” Chapter 38 on the “Felchus,” or “De piscibus,” Chapter 99 on the “Vacca et vitulus marinus.”

  54. 54.

    The relevant part of the description of the orca in the Hortus Sanitatis, “De piscibus,” Chapter 64, runs thus: Orchum monstrum marinum est vt ait Plinius. eius imago nulla potest exprimi representatione: nisi quod sit mollis carnis immense…. See the chapter on the orca in Catherine Jacquemard, Brigitte Gauvin, and Marie-Agnès Lucas-Avenel, eds., Hortus Sanitatis: Livre IV, Les poissons (Caen: Presses Universitaires de Caen, 2013), available at http://www.unicaen.fr/puc/sources/depiscibus/consult/hortus_fr/FR.hs.4.64.

  55. 55.

    See the chapter on the murex in Catherine Jacquemard, Brigitte Gauvin, and Marie-Agnès Lucas-Avenel, eds., Hortus sanitatis: Livre IV, Les poissons (Caen: Presses Universitaires de Caen, 2013), available at http://www.unicaen.fr/puc/sources/depiscibus/consult/hortus_fr/FR.hs.4.58.

  56. 56.

    The location of this legend near Madagascar would seem to derive from Ptolemy’s Geography 7.2, where Ptolemy says that near the island of Bazakata, which he places in this part of the Indian Ocean, “some say there is found in abundance the murex,” although there is no legend relating to the murex in this area on any Ptolemaic map that I have seen. For the passage in Ptolemy, see Alfred Stückelberger and Gerd Grasshoff, eds., Klaudios Ptolemaios Handbuch der Geographie: griechisch-deutsch (Basel: Schwabe Verlag, 2006), vol. 2, pp. 728–729; the English translation is from J. W. McCrindle, Ancient India as Described by Ptolemy (Calcutta: Thacker, Spink, & Co.; London: Trübner, 1885), p. 236.

  57. 57.

    See Marco Polo, Marka Pavlova z Benátek, Milion: Dle jediného rukopisu spolu s prilusnym zakladem latinskym, ed. Justin Václav Prásek (Prague: Nákl. Ceské akademie císare Frantiska Iozefa, 1902), Book 3, Chapter 39, pp. 184–185; for Yule’s translation see The Book of Ser Marco Polo (see note 44 in Chap. 2), Book 3, Chapter 33, vol. 2, pp. 411–413.

  58. 58.

    The image that best reveals these words is Supplementary Image 2.58 (C05R05_mada_RnoprocPC8_Gmnf4_B91bdPC12).

  59. 59.

    For Marco Polo’s text on Madagascar, see note 57 in Chap. 2.

  60. 60.

    Waldseemüller’s legend begins: Veniunt de reguo [for regno] moabar naves in 20. diebus ad hanc insulam madagascar & fix iu [for in] tribus mensibus possunt redire in moabar….

  61. 61.

    For discussion of these islands in Ptolemy, see W. J. van der Meulen, “Suvarnadvîpa and the Chrysê Chersonêsos,” Indonesia 18 (1974), pp. 1–40, at 15; G. E. Gerini, Researches on Ptolemy’s Geography of Eastern Asia (London: Royal Asiatic Society and Royal Geographical Society, 1909), pp. 420–424; and Richard Hennig, “Der Hafen Kattigara und der Magnetberg des Ptolemäus,” Klio 23 (1929), pp. 256–276.

  62. 62.

    See Catherine Jacquemard, Brigitte Gauvin, and Marie-Agnès Lucas-Avenel, eds., Hortus Sanitatis: Livre IV, Les poissons (Caen: Presses Universitaires de Caen, 2013), whose chapter on the narco is available at http://www.unicaen.fr/puc/sources/depiscibus/consult/hortus_fr/FR.hs.4.63.

  63. 63.

    See Alexander Neckam, Alexandri Neckam De naturis rerum libri duo (London: Longman, Green, Longman, Roberts, and Green, 1863), p. 156: De pisce qui narcos dicitur. Narcos piscis est tantae virtutis, ut dicit Aristoteles, quod mediante lino et calamo ad manum piscatoris calamum tenentis accedit stupor et insensibilitas. Immo et totum corpus obstupescet, nisi citius hamum dejiciat. Hinc est etiam quod stuporifera, ut papaver et hujusmodi, dicuntur narcotica. Sic sic, si vitium aliquod, maxime si luxuriam, tibi associare volueris, obdormiet et operatio per manum designata, et tota congeries operum, quae per corpus accipi solet.

  64. 64.

    One of the multispectral images in which the legend about the Daruse islands is relatively legible is Supplementary Image 2.59 (C07R04_RF+FL_cal_r90_med3_bands01-12_IndOc_cartouches_RPC04_GIC02_BIC12_hue-30).

  65. 65.

    For discussion of the islands of the satyrs in Ptolemy, see van der Meulen, “Suvarnadvîpa and the Chrysê Chersonêsos” (see note 61 in Chap. 2) p. 20; and Gerini, Researches on Ptolemy’s Geography of Eastern Asia (see note 61 in Chap. 2), pp. 707–724.

  66. 66.

    The text of this legend does not appear in all of the multispectral images of this tile, but does appear clearly in Supplementary Image 2.60 (C07R04_RF FL_cal_r90_cartouches_bands01-14 18 16 21_ICA2_R2G3B6_boxb_subs50).

  67. 67.

    In the Naples manuscript of Marco Polo, the passage about Seylam/Ceylon is in Book 3, Chapter 22— see Marco Polo, Marka Pavlova z Benátek, Milion (see note 57 in Chap. 2), pp. 165–166; for Yule’s translation, see The Book of Ser Marco Polo (see note 44 in Chap. 2), Book 3, Chapter 14, vol. 2, pp. 312–314.

  68. 68.

    The legend on Seylam on the Martellus-Rosselli map reads Hec insula habet in cirrcuiitum [sic] miliaria 2 M et est una de melioribus mundi, “This island is 2000 miles in circumference and is one of the best in the world.”

  69. 69.

    See Marco Polo, Marka Pavlova z Benátek, Milion (see note 57 in Chap. 2), Book 3, Chapter 21, p. 165; for Yule’s translation, see The Book of Ser Marco Polo (see note 44 in Chap. 2), Book 3, Chapter 13, vol. 2, p. 309.

  70. 70.

    The letters R…ON are visible in Supplemtary Image 2.61 (C08R04_RF+FL_cal_r90_med3_stats_C05R05_RF+FL_cal_r90_bands_05+06+12+16_lake_name_cyan_PCA_R1G2B2_hue-120).

  71. 71.

    The name IAVA is most readily visible in Supplementary Image 2.62 (C08R04_RF+FL_cal_r90_med3-bands01-22_stats_from_C06R02_PCA_bands01-05+08-16+19+22_PCA_R1G2B4_hue180_2). There is text written almost vertically on the eastern coast of Java, but it is not legible, even in the multispectral images.

  72. 72.

    See Marco Polo, Marka Pavlova z Benátek, Milion (see note 57 in Chap. 2), p. 165.

  73. 73.

    Marco Polo, Marka Pavlova z Benátek, Milion (see note 57 in Chap. 2), p. 160.

  74. 74.

    For discussion of Candur and Sandur, see Silvestri, De insulis, pp. 146–147 and 500–501, respectively, in the edition by Montesdeoca (see note 44 in Chap. 2); Ivar Hallberg, L’Extrême Orient dans la littérature et la cartographie de l’Occident des XIIIe, XIVe, et XVe siècles; étude sur l’histoire de la géographie (Göteborg: W. Zachrissons boktryckeri a.-b., 1907), p. 162, s.v. “Condur,” and p. 450, s.v. “Sandur,”; and Pelliot, Notes on Marco Polo (see note 44 in Chap. 2), vol. 1, pp. 404–407.

  75. 75.

    Thomas of Cantimpré, Liber de natura rerum, ed. H. Boese (Berlin and New York: De Gruyter, 1973), 7.40, p. 263

  76. 76.

    See Conrad von Megenberg, Das Buch der Natur, ed. Franz Pfeiffer (Stuttgart: K. Aue, 1861), III.D.15, pp. 252–253.

  77. 77.

    Hortus sanitatis, “De piscibus,” Chapter 41. See the chapter on the granus in Catherine Jacquemard, Brigitte Gauvin, and Marie-Agnès Lucas-Avenel, eds., Hortus sanitatis: Livre IV, Les poissons (Caen: Presses Universitaires de Caen, 2013), available at http://www.unicaen.fr/puc/sources/depiscibus/consult/hortus_fr/FR.hs.4.41.

  78. 78.

    In the Naples manuscript of Marco Polo, the passage about the pearls of Japan is at the end of Book 3, Chapter 2—see Marco Polo, Marka Pavlova z Benátek, Milion (see note 57 in Chap. 2), p. 154: Ibi sunt margarite in copia maxima, que rotunde et grosse sunt rubeique coloris, que margaritas albas precio ac valore precellunt. For Yule’s translation, see The Book of Ser Marco Polo (see note 44 in Chap. 2), Book 3, Chapter 2, vol. 2, pp. 253–256. Incidentally there is a marginal annotation highlighting the red pearls in Christopher Columbus’s copy of the c. 1484 edition of Marco Polo published by Leeu: see the facsimile of Christopher Columbus’s copy of this book which has been published as Libro de las maravillas del mundo: facsímil del que, usado por Cristóbal Colón, se encuentra depositado en la Biblioteca Capitular y Colombina del Cabildo Catedral de Sevilla (Madrid: Testimonio, 1986).

  79. 79.

    Waldseemüller’s legend reads hic videtur syrena horrible monstrum marinum, “Here is seen the siren, a horrible sea monster.”

  80. 80.

    The text in the fourth of these cartouches is legible in Supplemenary Image 2.63 (C10R02_Japan_lowest_sel_ops123) and Supplemenary Image 2.64 (C10R02_Japan_pseudorender2).

  81. 81.

    See Ravenstein, Martin Behaim, His Life and His Globe (see note 72 in Chap. 1), p. 89.

  82. 82.

    For discussion of Polo’s description of Japan, see K. Enoki, “Marco Polo and Japan,” in Oriente Poliano: studi e conferenze tenute all’Is. M.E.O. in occasione del VII centenario della nascita di Marco Polo (1254–1954) (Rome: Istituto Poligrafico dello Stato, 1957), pp. 23–44, esp. 23–36.

  83. 83.

    For an illustration and discussion of Rosselli’s oval planisphere, see Shirley, The Mapping of the World (see note 54 in Chap. 1), p. 32; and Chet Van Duzer, “A Newly Discovered Fourth Exemplar of Francesco Rosselli’s Oval Planisphere of c.1508,” Imago Mundi 60.2 (2008), pp. 195–201.

  84. 84.

    For illustrations and discussions of Apian’s 1520 and 1530 world maps, see Shirley, The Mapping of the World (see note 54 in Chap. 1), pp. 51–53 and 68–69, respectively.

  85. 85.

    Münster’s map of the New World is conveniently reproduced in Nebenzahl, Atlas of Columbus (see note 42 in Chap. 1), pp. 98–99.

  86. 86.

    There are two surviving copies of Cabot’s map: Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Rés. Ge AA 582; and Klassik Stiftung Weimar, Kt 020 - 31 S, which latter exemplar however lacks the surrounding printed text. The exemplar of Cabot’s map in Paris is well reproduced in Nebenzahl, Atlas of Columbus (see note 42 in Chap. 1), pp. 106–107; on the exemplar discovered in Weimar, see Günter Schilder, Monumenta cartographica Neerlandica (Alphen aan den Rijn, Holland: Uitgevermaatschappij Canaletto, 1986-), vol. 2, p. 23. On Cabot and his map, see Karrow, Mapmakers of the Sixteenth Century (see note 5 in Chap. 1), pp. 103–112, esp. 108–109.

  87. 87.

    The map of Japan in the Florence manuscript is illustrated in Roberto Almagià, “I mappamondi di Enrico Martello e alcuni concetti geografici di Cristoforo Columbo,” La Bibliofilia 42 (1940), pp. 288–311, esp. p. 303, and Gentile, Firenze e la scoperta dell’America (see note 8 in Chap. 1), plate 46. For discussion see George Kish, “Two Fifteenth-Century Maps of ‘Zipangu’: Notes on the Early Cartography of Japan,” The Yale University Library Gazette 40.4 (1966), pp. 206–214, who has a diagram of the outlines of Japan on Fra Mauro’s map, Martellus’s Insularium, the Yale Martellus map, and Behaim’s globe on p. 211.

  88. 88.

    The long legends on Japan in the Florence manuscript of Martellus’s island book have been previously transcribed by Folker Reichert, “Zipangu. Marco Polos Japan und das europäische Weltbild zwischen Mittelalter und Neuzeit,” in Sabine Klocke-Daffa, Jürgen Scheffler, and Gisela Wilbertz, eds., Engelbert Kaempfer (1651–1716) und die kulturelle Begegnung zwischen Europa und Asien (Lemgo: Landesverband Lippe, Institut für Lippische Landeskunde, 2003), pp. 147–168, at 155; and Folker Reichert, Asien und Europa im Mittelalter: Studien zur Geschichte des Reisens (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2014), p. 393.

  89. 89.

    For Marco Polo’s account, the Mongols attempt to invade Japan (conflating two attempts into one); in the Naples manuscript of his work, see Marco Polo, Marka Pavlova z Benátek, Milion (see note 56 in Chap. 2), Book 3, Chapters 3–6, pp. 154–156; the part about the winds comes from Book 3, Chapter 8, p. 158. For Yule’s translation of these chapters see The Book of Ser Marco Polo (see note 43 in Chap. 2), Book 3, Chapters 2–3, vol. 2, pp. 253–260, and Chapter 4, vol. 2, pp. 23–265.

  90. 90.

    The two files that reveal the northern of the two texts on Japan are Supplementary Image 2.65 (C10R01_Japan_cal_r90_med3_stats_from_C06R02_PCA_R2G8B22_img2_Japan) and Supplementary Image 2.66 (C10R02_Japan_cal_r90_med3_22bands_C06R02_stats_PCA_R2G8B22).

  91. 91.

    See Marco Polo, Marka Pavlova z Benátek, Milion (see note 56 in Chap. 2), Book 3, Chapter 2, p. 153; for Yule’s translation, see The Book of Ser Marco Polo (see note 43 in Chap. 2), Book 3, Chapter 2, vol. 2, pp. 253–256.

  92. 92.

    Almagià, “Worldmap by Henricus Martellus at Berne,” June, 1960 (see note 2 in Front Matter), p. 4. Kish, “Two Fifteenth-Century Maps of ‘Zipangu’” (see note 81 in Chap. 2), pp. 208–209, asserts that examination of the Yale Martellus map under various types of light confirmed that the legends on Japan on that map were very similar to those on Japan in the Florence manuscript of the Insularium, though he was only able to make out a few words on the Yale map. Reading the legends in the multispectral image contradicts this claim.

  93. 93.

    The same distance from mainland Asia to Japan is indicated in the text on Japan in the 1522 edition of Ptolemy: Hec insula distat versus orientem a litore magno miliaria mille sunt ydolatre habent regem nulli tributarium.

  94. 94.

    See Marco Polo, Marka Pavlova z Benátek, Milion (see note 56 in Chap. 2), Book 3, Chapter 2, p. 153.

  95. 95.

    The identification of sethim or shittah with sandalwood is proposed by Jesús M.ª Porro Gutiérrez, “La cartografía ptolemaica del sureste asiático y su variante martelliana: planteamiento, consideraciones críticas y desarrollo de una hipótesis reinterpretativa,” Revista Complutense de Historia de América 27 (2001), pp. 327–356, esp. p. 354.

  96. 96.

    On the small islands around Japan, see Marco Polo, Marka Pavlova z Benátek, Milion (see note 56 in Chap. 2), Book 3, Chapter 8, pp. 157–158.

  97. 97.

    On Japan itself see Marco Polo, Marka Pavlova z Benátek, Milion (see note 56 in Chap. 2), Book 3, Chapter 2, pp. 153–154; for Yule’s translation, see The Book of Ser Marco Polo (see note 43 in Chap. 2), Book 3, Chapter 2, vol. 2, pp. 253–256.

  98. 98.

    The text in the Naples manuscript of Marco Polo is supplied in Marco Polo, Marka Pavlova z Benátek, Milion (see note 57 in Chap. 2), Book 3, Chapter 2, pp. 153–154: Çipangu insula est ad orientem in alto mari distans a littore mangy per milliaria mille quingenta et est magna valde. Habitatores eius albi sunt et stature decentis, ydolatre sunt et regem habent, sed nulli alii tributarii sunt. Ibi est aurum in copia maxima, sed rex non de facili eum extra insulam absportari permittit, propter quod mercatores pauci vadunt illuc et naues raro illuc ducuntur de regionibus aliis…. Ibi sunt margarite in copia maxima, que rotunde et grosse sunt rubeique coloris, que margaritas albas precio ac valore precellunt. Multi etiam sunt ibi lapides preciosi, propter quod insula çipangu opulentissima ualde est. For Yule’s translation, see The Book of Ser Marco Polo (see note 44 in Chap. 2), Book 3, Chapter 2, vol. 2, pp. 253–256.

  99. 99.

    See Ravenstein, Martin Behaim, His Life and His Globe (see note 72 in Chap. 1), p. 89.

  100. 100.

    See again Ravenstein, Martin Behaim, His Life and His Globe (see note 72 in Chap. 1), p. 89.

  101. 101.

    The passage about the wild men comes from Marco Polo, Marka Pavlova z Benátek, Milion (see note 57 in Chap. 2), Book 1, Chapter 62, p. 62: Incole loci vocantur mecrith qui subiecti sunt magno kaam et habent tartarorum mores sunt autem silvestres homines, with the phrase “sunt autem silvestres homines” coming from the early fifteenth-century manuscript Prague, Knihovna Pražské Metropolitní Kapituyí, G 28. For a description of this manuscript, see Consuelo Wager Dutschke, “Francesco Pipino and the Manuscripts of Marco Polo’s Travels,” Ph.D. Dissertation, University of California at Los Angeles, 1993, pp. 872–881. Yule’s translation of this chapter is in The Book of Ser Marco Polo (see note 44 in Chap. 2), Book 1, Chapter 56, vol. 1, pp. 26–270.

  102. 102.

    See, for example, Supplementary Image 2.67 (C05R02_bands01-22_RF+FL_cal_r90_med3_stats_C06R02_PCA_R14_stats_C03R02_G7B7) and 2.68 (C05R02_bands01-22_RF+FL_cal_r90_med3_difficult_cartouche_stats_C03R03_PC7).

  103. 103.

    See Marco Polo, Marka Pavlova z Benátek, Milion (see note 57 in Chap. 2), Book 1, Chapter 56, pp. 56–57. For Yule’s translation of the similar material in his edition, see The Book of Ser Marco Polo (see note 44 in Chap. 2), Book 1, Chapter 53, vol. 1, p. 257.

  104. 104.

    Two of the best images for trying to read this legend are Supplementary Image 2.69 (C06R02_composite_hueangle) and Supplementary Image 2.70 (C05R02_bands01-22_RF+FL_cal_r90_med3_ratio_box71_cartouche_stats_PCA_R1G2B12_hue-180_G).

  105. 105.

    Some discussion of the myths surrounding the porcupine may be found in Dieter Bitterli, “Exeter Book Riddle 15: Some Points for the Porcupine,” Anglia: Zeitschrift für englische Philologie 120.4 (2002), pp. 461–487.

  106. 106.

    Thomas of Cantimpré, Liber de natura rerum, ed. H. Boese (Berlin and New York: De Gruyter, 1973), 4.52, p. 138.

  107. 107.

    Hortus Sanitatis, “De animalibus,” Chapter 73, “Histrix”.

  108. 108.

    Polo’s chapter on the Land of Darkness in the Naples manuscript is in Book 3, Chapter 49, see Marco Polo, Marka Pavlova z Benátek, Milion (see note 57 in Chap. 2), pp. 197–198; for an English translation, see Yule, The Book of Ser Marco Polo (see note 44 in Chap. 2), Book 4, Chapter 21, vol. 2, pp. 484–485. For discussion of the region, see Pelliot, Notes on Marco Polo (see note 44 in Chap. 2), vol. 2, pp. 616–624.

  109. 109.

    For the text on the Region of Darkness in the Naples manuscript of Polo, see Marco Polo, Marka Pavlova z Benátek, Milion (see note 57 in Chap. 2), Book 3, Chapter 49, p. 197. The English translation here is my own; Yule’s version of Polo’s text is quite different in The Book of Ser Marco Polo (see note 44 in Chap. 2), Book 4, Chapter 21, vol. 2, p. 485.

  110. 110.

    The text is from Book 1, Chapter 62, in the Naples manuscript of Polo: see Marco Polo, Marka Pavlova z Benátek, Milion (see note 57 in Chap. 2), p. 62. The English translation here is my own, but Yule’s can be consulted in The Book of Ser Marco Polo (see note 44 in Chap. 2), Book 1, Chapter 56, vol. 1, p. 269.

  111. 111.

    For discussion of Natigas, see Pelliot, Notes on Marco Polo (see note 44 in Chap. 2), vol. 2, pp. 791–792, s.v. “Natigai”.

  112. 112.

    For the text in the Naples manuscript, see Marco Polo, Marka Pavlova z Benátek, Milion (see note 57 in Chap. 2), Book 3, Chapter 47, pp. 194–195. For Yule’s translation of this chapter, see The Book of Ser Marco Polo (see note 44 in Chap. 2), Book 4, Chapter 20, vol. 2, pp. 479–481.

  113. 113.

    For the text about the ten-day length of the province, see Marco Polo, Marka Pavlova z Benátek, Milion (see note 57 in Chap. 2), Book 1, Chapter 62, p. 62. Yule in his version of Polo does not include the ten-day figure: see The Book of Ser Marco Polo (see note 44 in Chap. 2), Book 1, Chapter 56, vol. 1, pp. 269–270.

  114. 114.

    On the panotii see Hallberg, L’Extrême Orient (see note 74 in Chap. 2), pp. 391–392, which includes a list of variant spellings of the name, and Claude Lecouteux, “Les Panotéens: sources, diffusion, emploi,” Études germaniques 35 (1980), pp. 253–266. For general discussion of the monstrous peoples, see John B. Friedman, The Monstrous Races in Medieval Art and Thought (Cambridge, MA, and London: Harvard University Press, 1981; reprinted with expanded bibliography Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 2000).

  115. 115.

    Isidore 11.3.19, Panotios apud Scythiam esse ferunt, tam diffusa aurium magnitudine, ut omne corpus ex eis contegant.

  116. 116.

    On the hippopodes see Pliny 4.13.95; Hallberg, L’Extrême Orient (see note 74 in Chap. 2), pp. 240–241, and Pentti Aalto and Tuomo Pekkanen, Latin Sources on North-Eastern Eurasia (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1975–1980), vol. 1, pp. 197–198.

  117. 117.

    The phrasing of Martellus’s legend is similar to that in Isidore’s Etymologiae 11.3.25: Hippopodes in Scythia sunt, humanam formam et equinos pedes habentes.

  118. 118.

    Chet Van Duzer, “A Northern Refuge of the Monstrous Races: Asia on Waldseemüller’s 1516 Carta marina,” Imago Mundi 62.2 (2010), pp. 221–231.

  119. 119.

    See Marco Polo, Marka Pavlova z Benátek, Milion (see note 57 in Chap. 2), Book 1, Chapter 47, p. 48. For Yule’s translation see The Book of Ser Marco Polo (see note 44 in Chap. 2), Book 1, Chapter 42, vol. 1, pp. 212–213.

  120. 120.

    There is a similar albeit shorter legend in this same region on the Martellus-Rosselli map: Balor regio in regionibus istis habitant homines silvestres equitant cervos domesticos.

  121. 121.

    The readings in Naples, Biblioteca Nazionale Vittorio Emanuele III, Vind. lat. 50, are burgi and bangu; see Marco Polo, Marka Pavlova z Benátek, Milion (see note 57 in Chap. 2), Book 1, Chapter 62, p. 62, while in the edition of c. 1484 (still Book 1, Chapter 62), it is Bargi and Bargy. For Yule’s translation of this chapter and notes on it, see The Book of Ser Marco Polo (see note 44 in Chap. 2), Book 1, Chapter 32, vol. 1, pp. 172 and 178–179. There is discussion of Balor in Hallberg, L’Extrême Orient (see note 74 in Chap. 2), p. 74, s.v. “Belor”, and Henry Yule, “Notes Regarding Bolor, and Some Other Names in the Apocryphal Geography of the Upper Oxus,” Journal of the Royal Geographical Society 42 (1872), pp. 473–480, esp. 473–475.

  122. 122.

    For the text in the Naples manuscript, see Marka Pavlova z Benátek, Milion (see note 57 in Chap. 2), Book 1, Chapter 47, p. 48; for Yule’s translation, see The Book of Ser Marco Polo (see note 44 in Chap. 2), Book 1, Chapter 42, vol. 1, pp. 212–213.

  123. 123.

    Waldseemüller does include information about the width of Chinchintalas on his Carta marina of 1516, but given that his legend on this map is not particularly similar to Martellus’s, it seems likely that it was the result of independent consultation of Marco Polo. The legend runs Chingitalis Provincia Hec provincia longa est .16. dierarum habens multas civitates et castra gentes sunt ydolatre et aliqui macomethani aliqui cristiani habente .3. ecclesias nestorianas. ibi eciam fit Salamandra.

  124. 124.

    The literature on Gog and Magog is substantial: in addition to the article by Gow just cited, see Andrew Runni Anderson, Alexander’s Gate, Gog and Magog, and the Inclosed Nations (Cambridge, MA: The Medieval Academy of America, 1932), esp. pp. 14 and 70–86 on identifications of the tribes of Israel with Gog and Magog; Raoul Manselli, “I popoli immaginari: Gog e Magog,” in Popoli e paesi nella cultura altomedievale: settimane di studio del Centro Italiano di Studi sull’Alto Medioevo, Spoleto, 23–29 Aprile 1981 (Spoleto: Centro Italiano di Studi sull’Alto Medioevo, 1983), vol. 2, pp. 487–521; Danielle Lecoq, “L’image d’Alexandre à travers les mappemondes médievales (XIIe–XIIIe),” Geographia Antiqua 2 (1993), pp. 63–103, esp. pp. 92–96; Scott D. Westrem, “Against Gog and Magog,” in Sylvia Tomasch and Sealy Gilles, eds., Text and Territory: Geographical Imagination in the European Middle Ages (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1998), pp. 54–75; Andrew Gow, “Gog and Magog on Mappaemundi and Early Printed World Maps: Orientalizing Ethnography in the Apocalyptic Tradition,” Journal of Early Modern History 2.1 (1998), pp. 61–88; and Hallberg, L’Extrême Orient (see note 74 in Chap. 2), pp. 225–230, s.v. “Gog et Magog”.

  125. 125.

    On the relationship between the stories of Gog and Magog on the one hand and the ten exiled tribes of the Jews on the other, see D. J. A. Ross, Alexander historiatus: A Guide to Medieval Illustrated Alexander Literature (Frankfurt am Main: Athenäum, 1988), pp. 34–35; the version involving the ten tribes was apparently the invention of Petrus Comestor in his Historia Scholastica Lib. Esther 5.

  126. 126.

    For these chapters in the Naples manuscript of Marco Polo, see Marka Pavlova z Benátek, Milion (see note 57 in Chap. 2), Book 1, Chapter 14, pp. 18–19, and Book 1, Chapter 65, pp. 65–67, respectively; for Yule’s translation, see The Book of Ser Marco Polo (see note 44 in Chap. 2), Book 1, Chapter 4, vol. 1, pp. 50–52, and Book 1, Chapter 59, vol. 1, pp. 284–285. Fra Mauro on his mappamundi has a long legend on the question of where the people enclosed by Alexander the Great were located: see Falchetta, Fra Mauro’s World Map (see note 85 in Chap. 1), *2403, pp. 616–619.

  127. 127.

    The Borgia metal mappamundi is described and reproduced in Destombes, Mappemondes (see note 10 in Front Matter), pp. 239–241 and plate 29; and the legends relevant to these peoples are transcribed by N. A. E. Nordenskiöld, “Om ett aftryck från XV:de seklet af den i metall graverade världskarta, som förvarats i kardinal Stephan Borgias museum i Velletri, Med 1 facsimile,” Ymer 11 (1891), pp. 83–92, at p. 91. The first runs Magog in istis duabus sunt gentes magni ut gigantes pleni omnium malorum morum. Quos judeos artaxor rex collexit de omnibus partibus persarum; and the second: Provincia gog in qua fuerunt judei inclusi tempore artaxorsis regis persarum. Andrew Gow says that this map is the first in which the peoples are described as judei clausi in his “Gog and Magog on Mappaemundi” (see note 124 in Chap. 2), p. 78.

  128. 128.

    See Marco Polo, Marka Pavlova z Benátek, Milion (see note 57 in Chap. 2), Book 1, Chapter 65, pp. 65–67; for Yule’s translation see The Book of Ser Marco Polo (see note 44 in Chap. 2), Book 1, Chapter 59, vol. 1, pp. 284–285.

  129. 129.

    In Marco Polo, Marka Pavlova z Benátek, Milion (see note 57 in Chap. 2), Book 1, Chapter 64, p. 65, the churches are basilicas: Incole ydolatre sunt preter aliquos christianos nestorinos, qui tres ibi basilicas habent. For Yule’s translation see The Book of Ser Marco Polo (see note 44 in Chap. 2), Book 1, Chapter 58, vol. 1, pp. 281.

  130. 130.

    The legend by the churches on Contarini’s map reads Hic sunt tres eclesie christianorum, i.e., “Here there are three Christian churches”; the legend is transcribed and translated (differently than I have done here) in Contarini, A Map of the World (see note 82 in Chap. 1), p. 12.

  131. 131.

    For Marco Polo’s account of the city in the Naples manuscript of his work (Biblioteca Nazionale Vittorio Emanuele III, Vind. lat. 50), see Marka Pavlova z Benátek, Milion (see note 57 in Chap. 2), Book 2, Chapter 10, pp. 83–84; in Yule’s The Book of Ser Marco Polo (see note 44 in Chap. 2), see Book 2, Chapter 11, vol. 1, pp. 374–379.

  132. 132.

    Cathayo is also depicted and named on the world maps in the Florence and Leiden manuscripts of Martellus’s Insularium and on the Martellus-Rosselli map.

  133. 133.

    There is a similar legend on Giovanni Contarini’s map of 1506: longitudo provincie cathai dietarum 25. This is further evidence that Contarini was influenced by Martellus. The legend is transcribed and translated in Contarini, A Map of the World (see note 82 in Chap. 1), p. 11.

  134. 134.

    For the passage about the width of Cathay in the Naples manuscript of Marco Polo, see Marka Pavlova z Benátek, Milion (see note 57 in Chap. 2), Book 1, Chapter 63, p. 64; for Yule’s translation see The Book of Ser Marco Polo (see note 44 in Chap. 2), Book 1, Chapter 57, vol. 1, pp. 274–276.

  135. 135.

    The text of the Z manuscript is transcribed in Marco Polo, The Description of the World, trans. and ed. A. C. Moule and Paul Pelliot (London: G. Routledge, 1938), vol. 2, and with an Italian translation in Marco Polo, Milione: redazione latina del manoscritto Z, versione italiana a fronte, ed. Alvaro Barbieri (Parma: Ugo Guanda, 1998). For an account of the manuscript’s discovery, see Homer Herriott, “The ‘Lost’ Toledo Manuscript of Marco Polo,” Speculum 12 (1937), pp. 456–463; for a description of this manuscript, see Consuelo Wager Dutschke, “Francesco Pipino and the Manuscripts of Marco Polo’s Travels,” Ph.D. Dissertation, University of California at Los Angeles, 1993, pp. 453–456.

  136. 136.

    In the Naples manuscript of Marco Polo, the description of Quinsay is in Book 2, Chapter 64: see Marco Polo, Marka Pavlova z Benátek, Milion (see note 57 in Chap. 2), pp. 141–142; Yule’s translation is in The Book of Ser Marco Polo (see note 44 in Chap. 2), Book 2, Chapter 76, vol. 2, pp. 185–193, and he has extensive notes on pp. 193–200, with quotes other authors’ descriptions of the city on pp. 212–215. On Quinsay also see Hallberg, L’Extrême Orient (see note 74 in Chap. 2), pp. 425–429, and A. C. Moule, “Marco Polo’s Description of Quinsai,” T’oung Pao 33 (1937), pp. 105–128.

  137. 137.

    See Marka Pavlova z Benátek, Milion (see note 57 in Chap. 2), Book 2, Chapter 64, p. 145. Yule was working from a different text of Polo, but his translation may be compared: see The Book of Ser Marco Polo (see note 44 in Chap. 2), Book 2, Chapter 76, vol. 2, pp. 192.

  138. 138.

    The legend is transcribed and translated (differently than I have done) in Contarini, A Map of the World (see note 82 in Chap. 1), p. 12.

  139. 139.

    The legend is clearest in Supplementary Image 2.71 (C09R02_RF+FL_cal_r90_med5_Rratio_06-12_Gratio_04-12_Bratio_01-12). There is a similar albeit shorter legend on the Martellus-Rosselli map: In civitate cianfu sunt due eclesie cristianorum, “In the city of Cianfu there are two Christian churches.”

  140. 140.

    For the passage in the Naples manuscript, see Marco Polo, Marka Pavlova z Benátek, Milion (see note 57 in Chap. 2), Book 2, Chapter 61, p. 139.

  141. 141.

    For the passage in the Naples manuscript, see Marco Polo, Marka Pavlova z Benátek, Milion (see note 57 in Chap. 2), Book 2, Chapter 61, p. 139.

  142. 142.

    For the Latin text in the Z manuscript, see Marco Polo, The Description of the World, trans. and ed. A. C. Moule and Paul Pelliot (London: G. Routledge, 1938), vol. 2, p. xliv; Marco Polo, Milione: redazione latina del manoscritto Z, versione italiana a fronte, ed. Alvaro Barbieri (Parma: Ugo Guanda, 1998), Chapter 82, p. 198. For the passage in the F manuscript, see Marco Polo, Il Milione, prima edizione integrale, ed. Luigi Foscolo Benedetto (Florence: L.S. Olschki, 1928), Chapter 150, on p. 141, and for an English translation, see Marco Polo, The Travels of Marco Polo, translated into English from the text of L.F. Benedetto by Professor Aldo Ricci (London: G. Routledge & Sons, Ltd., 1931), p. 231.

  143. 143.

    In the edition published by Leeu c. 1484, the passage is in Book 2, Chapter 61.

  144. 144.

    I thank Christine Gadrat for emphasizing the importance of the date in this passage.

  145. 145.

    This legend is very difficult to read; the most helpful multispectral images are Supplementary Image 2.72 (C08R02_RF+FL_cal_r90_med3_stats_from_C03R03_PC7) and Supplementary Image 2.73 (C08R02_RF+FL_cal_r90_band07+01+02+11+12+18+17_NE_Asia_light_writing_maroon_RIC5_GIC5_BPC2).

  146. 146.

    See Marco Polo, Marka Pavlova z Benátek, Milion (see note 57 in Chap. 2), Book 2, Chapter 38, p. 115; for Yule’s translation see see The Book of Ser Marco Polo (see note 44 in Chap. 2), Book 2, Chapter 46, vol. 2, p. 49.

  147. 147.

    Marco Polo, Marka Pavlova z Benátek, Milion (see note 57 in Chap. 2), Book 1, Chapter 36, p. 111, and Chapter 37, p. 113; for Yule’s translation, see The Book of Ser Marco Polo (see note 44 in Chap. 2), Book 2, Chapter 45, vol. 2, p. 42, and Chapter 46, vol. 2, p. 49.

  148. 148.

    Marco Polo, Marka Pavlova z Benátek, Milion (see note 57 in Chap. 2), Book 1, Chapter 38, pp. 114–115; for Yule’s translation, see The Book of Ser Marco Polo (see note 44 in Chap. 2), Book 1, Chapter 61, vol. 1, pp. 298–304.

  149. 149.

    Marco Polo, Marka Pavlova z Benátek, Milion (see note 57 in Chap. 2), Book 1, Chapter 41, p. 118; for Yule’s translation, see The Book of Ser Marco Polo (see note 44 in Chap. 2), Book 2, Chapter 49, vol. 2, pp. 76–79.

  150. 150.

    See the edition of Polo in the Simon Grynaeus and Johann Huttich, eds., Novus orbis regionum ac insularum ueteribus incognitarum (Paris: Antoine Augerelle, 1532), Book 2, Chapt. 40, pp. 333–334; and Yule’s The Book of Ser Marco Polo (see note 44 in Chap. 2), Book 2, Chapter 49, vol. 2, pp. 76–77 and 81.

  151. 151.

    Marco Polo, Marka Pavlova z Benátek, Milion (see note 57 in Chap. 2), Book 1, Chapter 44, p. 126; Chapter 43, p. 125; and Chapter 41, p. 121, respectively. For Yule’s translations see The Book of Ser Marco Polo (see note 44 in Chap. 2), Book 2, Chapter 55, vol. 2, pp. 114–115; Chapter 54, vol. 2, pp. 109–111; and Chapter 50, vol. 2, pp. 84–88.

  152. 152.

    Images of all of the maps in the New York Public Library manuscript of Ptolemy are available via the Digital Scriporium at http://bancroft.berkeley.edu/digitalscriptorium/, and they are also reproduced in Claudius Ptolemy, The Geography, trans. Edward Luther Stevenson (New York: New York Public Library, 1932; Mineola, NY: Dover, 1991). Images of all of the maps in BnF MS lat. 4801 and MS lat. 4804 are available via http://gallica.bnf.fr.

  153. 153.

    For discussion of Cirradia and the cinnamon produced there, see John Watson McCrindle, Ancient India as Described by Ptolemy (Calcutta: Thacker, Spink & Co., 1885), pp. 219–221.

  154. 154.

    For discussion of Nangalete, see McCrindle, Ancient India (see note 153 in Chap. 2), pp. 221 and 223.

  155. 155.

    There are brief remarks on Calcitis in McCrindle, Ancient India (see note 153 in Chap. 2), p. 222.

  156. 156.

    This text is revealed by Supplementary Image 2.74 (C07R03_RF+FL_cal_r90_med3_stats_C06R02_PCA_R2G8B22).

  157. 157.

    Images of all of the maps in the New York Public Library manuscript of Ptolemy are available via the Digital Scriporium at http://bancroft.berkeley.edu/digitalscriptorium/. The maps in the manuscript are also reproduced in Claudius Ptolemy, The Geography, trans. Edward Luther Stevenson (New York: New York Public Library, 1932; Mineola, NY: Dover, 1991).

  158. 158.

    See Marco Polo, Marka Pavlova z Benátek, Milion (see note 57 in Chap. 2), Book 3, Chapter 45, p. 191; for Yule’s translation see The Book of Ser Marco Polo (see note 44 in Chap. 2), Book 3, Chapter 35, vol. 2, pp. 427–431, esp. 431 on the elephants.

  159. 159.

    Waldseemüller does have a legend further to the east, in Cyamba Provincia, that mentions an abundance of elephants but that seems entirely separate from Martellus’s legend here.

  160. 160.

    See particularly Supplementary Image 2.75 (C08R04_RF+FL_cal_r90_med3-bands01-22_stats_from_C06R02_PC08) and Supplementary Image 2.76 (C08R04_RF+FL_cal_r90_med3-bands01-22_stats_from_C06R02_PC11).

  161. 161.

    The image in which these words are the most legible is Supplementary Image 2.75 (C08R04_RF+FL_cal_r90_med3-bands01-22_stats_from_C06R02_PC08).

  162. 162.

    For Polo’s chapter on Moabar or Maabar in the Naples manuscript, see Marco Polo, Marka Pavlova z Benátek, Milion (see note 57 in Chap. 2), Book 3, Chapter 23, pp. 167–169; for Yule’s translation and discussion of this chapter, see The Book of Ser Marco Polo (see note 44 in Chap. 2), Book 3, Chapter 16, vol. 2, pp. 331–337.

  163. 163.

    See Marco Polo, Marka Pavlova z Benátek, Milion (see note 57 in Chap. 2), Book 3, Chapter 32, p. 179; the version of Polo that Yule was using was quite different here than that in the Naples manuscript, but his translation of this chapter may be consulted in The Book of Ser Marco Polo (see note 44 in Chap. 2), Book 3, Chapter 23, vol. 2, p. 382. Incidentally the phrasing in the Z manuscript, in ea sunt bestie de diuersis maneriebus, is not very similar to that in Martellus, Waldseemüller, or the Naples manuscript: see Marco Polo, The Description of the World, ed. Moule and Pelliot (see note 142 in Chap. 2), vol. 2, p. lxxxix. There are brief remarks on Comari in Pelliot, Notes on Marco Polo (see note 44 in Chap. 2), vol. 1, p. 403.

  164. 164.

    For the information on Coilum, see Marco Polo, Marka Pavlova z Benátek, Milion (see note 57 in Chap. 2), Book 3, Chapter 31, p. 178; for Yule’s translation see The Book of Ser Marco Polo (see note 44 in Chap. 2), Book 3, Chapter 22, vol. 2, pp. 375–376, esp. 376.

  165. 165.

    For Polo’s chapter on Coilum in the Naples manuscript, see Marco Polo, Marka Pavlova z Benátek, Milion (see note 57 in Chap. 2), Book 3, Chapter 31, pp. 178–179; for Yule’s translation and discussion of this chapter, see The Book of Ser Marco Polo (see note 44 in Chap. 2), Book 3, Chapter 22, vol. 2, pp. 375–376.

  166. 166.

    The legend about St. Thomas is most readily legible in Supplementary Image 2.77 (C08R04_RF+FL_cal_r90_med3-bands01-22_stats_from_C06R02_PCA_R2G8B22) and Supplementary Image 2.78 (C08R04b_bands01-22_RF+FL_cal_r90_med3_stats_C06R02_PCA_R2G8B-11).

  167. 167.

    The chapter on the city where St. Thomas was martyred is in Marco Polo, Marka Pavlova z Benátek, Milion (see note 57 in Chap. 2), Book 2, Chapter 27, pp. 173–174; for Yule’s translation see The Book of Ser Marco Polo (see note 44 in Chap. 2), Book 3, Chapter 18, vol. 2, pp. 353–355.

  168. 168.

    Donald F. Lach, Asia in the Making of Europe, vol. 1, The Century of Discovery (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1965), Book 1, p. 503; Varthema’s account of Malacca is supplied in The Travels of Ludovico di Varthema, trans. John Winter Jones and George Percy Badger (London: Printed for the Hakluyt Society, 1863), pp. 223–228.

  169. 169.

    Malacca appears on the Cantino chart of c. 1502 with a legend describing the goods available for trade there; the Cantino chart is in Modena, Biblioteca Estense Universitaria, C. G. A. 2, and is well reproduced in Nebenzahl, Atlas of Columbus (see note 42 in Chap. 1), pp. 35–37, and better in Armando Cortesão and Avelino Teixeira da Mota, Portugaliae monumenta cartographica (Lisbon: Comissão Executiva das Comemorações do Quinto Centenário da Morte do Infante D. Henrique, 1960–1962), vol. 1, plate 5, with a transcription and translation of the legend about Malacca on p. 13.

  170. 170.

    The similar legend in the same location on the Martellus-Rosselli map reads Hic abitant abrajaim adora[n]t boues, “Here live the Brahmans, they worship cows.” On the interest medieval moralists took in the story of Alexander the Great’s encounter with the Bragmanni, see John B. Friedman, The Monstrous Races in Medieval Art and Thought (Cambridge, MA, and London: Harvard University Press, 1981; reprinted with expanded bibliography Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 2000), pp. 169–170, who focuses on the account of the Bragmanni in Jacques de Vitry’s Historia occidentalis; and Beverly Berg, “Dandamis: An Early Christian Portrait of Indian Asceticism,” Classica et Medievalia 31 (1970), pp. 269–305.

  171. 171.

    The chapter on Var in the Naples manuscript is supplied in Marco Polo, Marka Pavlova z Benátek, Milion (see note 57 in Chap. 2), Book 3, Chapter 23, pp. 169–171. For Yule’s translation see The Book of Ser Marco Polo (see note 44 in Chap. 2), Book 3, Chapter 20, vol. 2, pp. 363–367.

  172. 172.

    Elizabeth Harris, “The Waldseemüller World Map: A Typographic Appraisal,” Imago Mundi 37 (1985), pp. 30–53, esp. 47.

  173. 173.

    Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum naturale 19.114, “De vario & unicorne & uncia,” in Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum quadruplex; sive, Speculum maius (Graz: Akademische Druck- u. Verlaganstalt, 1964–1965), vol. 1, cols. 1444–1445.

  174. 174.

    Here is the text of the untia from the Hortus Sanitatis, “De animalibus,” Chapter 158: Vncia. Isidorus. Uncia est animal sevissimum: non altius cane sed longius corpore: canibus inimicum valde, predam non comedit: nisi eum in altum portet: sed quando ad arbores venit ad supremum eum ramum defert: eamque vendendo comedit. Cum autem in calore coitur existens aliquem vulneravit: mures super eum conveniunt ac super eum mingunt et moritur. Unde quidam ab ea vulneratur se per barcham in mari portari fecit: et mures ad mare veneruntur ad eum accederunt: sed propter mare non poterant. Huius animalis fel mortiferum est.

  175. 175.

    Elizabeth Harris, “The Waldseemüller World Map: A Typographic Appraisal,” Imago Mundi 37 (1985), pp. 30–53, esp. 47.

  176. 176.

    See Nicander Theriaca 359–371 on the chersydros and 411–437 on the chelydros.

  177. 177.

    See Isidore Etymologiae 12.4.24; in English the passage runs “The chelydros is a snake that is also known as the chersydros, as if it were cerim [perhaps a textual corruption], because it dwells both in the water and on land; for the Greeks call land χέρσος and water ὕδωρ. These make the earth on which they move smoke, as Macer thus describes it: ‘Whether their backs froth out poison, or it smokes on the earth, where the hideous snake crawls.’ And Lucan (Civil War 9.711): ‘And the chelydri drawn along with their smoking trails.’ But it always proceeds in a straight line, for if it turns when it moves, it immediately makes a sharp noise”: the translation is from Isidore of Seville, The Etymologies of Isidore of Seville, trans. Stephen A. Barney, W. J. Lewis, J. A. Beach, and Oliver Berghof (Cambridge, UK, and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006), p. 256.

  178. 178.

    For the text in the Experimentator, see Janine Deus, “Der ‘Experimentator’ - eine anonyme lateinische Naturenzyklopädie des frühen 13. Jahrhunderts,” Dissertation, Universität Hamburg, 1998, p. 268.

  179. 179.

    See Rui de Pina, Crónicas, ed. M. Lopes de Almeida (Porto: Lello & Irmão, 1977), Chapter 37; A. Teixeira da Mota, “D. João Bemoim e a expedição portuguesa ao Senegal em 1489,” Boletim Cultural Guiné Portuguesa 26.101 (1971), pp. 63–111; offprint published as Série Separatas, Agrupamento de Estudos de Cartografia Antiga 63 (1971); and António Brásio, ed., Monumenta missionaria africana: Africa ocidental, segunda série (Lisbon: Agência Geral do Ultramar, Divisão de Publicações e Biblioteca, 1958–), vol. 1, pp. 529–567.

  180. 180.

    “Bezegiech” is the spelling of this kingdom on André Thevet’s map of Africa in his Cosmographie universelle of 1575.

  181. 181.

    My reading of the text on the Florence map differs slightly from that in Roberto Almagià, “I mappamondi di Enrico Martello e alcuni concetti geografici di Cristoforo Columbo,” La Bibliofilia 42 (1940), pp. 288–311, at 305.

  182. 182.

    My reading of the text on the London map differs slightly from that in Roberto Almagià, “I mappamondi di Enrico Martello e alcuni concetti geografici di Cristoforo Columbo,” La Bibliofilia 42 (1940), pp. 288–311, at 305.

  183. 183.

    For discussion of medieval traditions about the pelican, see Victor Graham, “The Pelican as Image and Symbol,” Revue de litérature comparée 36 (1962), pp. 233–243; and R. L. H. Lops, “Le pélican dans le Bestiaire de Philippe de Thaun,” Neophilologus 79.3 (1995), pp. 377–387.

  184. 184.

    On the Egyptus Novelo map, see notes 5–10 in Chap. 5 below.

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Van Duzer, C. (2019). The Legends on the Yale Martellus Map. In: Henricus Martellus’s World Map at Yale (c. 1491). Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-76840-3_2

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