Abstract
In this chapter we explored the transnational dimension of the mobilisations of solidarity with refugees in Europe. Although some initiatives have a transnational aspiration, co-ordination of collective action and networks across borders is still unfolding. We focused on two poles in tension, Brussels and Calais, and scale shift dynamics. On the one hand, the Belgian capital is a central node for transnational collective action on—and the presence of institutional actors dealing with—refugees. Whereas large organisations rarely play a bridging role between grassroots initiatives and European stakeholders, some grassroots actors have nevertheless managed to achieve some access on their own. On the other hand, Calais’ local issue transcended domestic boundaries thanks to international flows of activists, opening up new avenues for further transnational co-ordination.
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Notes
- 1.
See https://www.sickofwaiting.org/index.asp?i=2&p=0, accessed 26 June 2017.
- 2.
The objects and targets of claims are occasionally international agreements and practices, especially in cases outside the Schengen area. For instance, in Calais, UK and French activists tend to criticise their respective governments’ policies and bilateral agreements and co-operation strategies due to the humanitarian conditions at the border.
- 3.
- 4.
We collected a dozen similar quotes from activists in every place where we conducted interviews, including Brussels, Calais, Ceuta, Melilla, and Madrid. They are available on request.
- 5.
Founded in March 2014, Podemos succeeded in the May 2014 European election (winning 1.25 million votes, which amount to almost eight per cent of the total valid votes cast). The party joined the European United Left/Nordic Green Left European Parliamentary Group.
- 6.
The No Border network consists of loose associations of autonomous assemblies, individuals, and organisations that take initiatives in different—mostly European—settings (e.g. controlling international border camps, delivering direct actions, demonstrations, etc.) to oppose migration policies and stand up for freedom of movement. See http://www.noborder.org/
- 7.
- 8.
Berlin stands for the city where the network met for the first time.
- 9.
- 10.
According to Frelick et al. (2016, p. 193), externalisation of migration controls involves ‘extraterritorial state actions to prevent migrants, including asylum seekers, from entering the legal jurisdictions or territories of destination countries or regions or making them legally inadmissible without individually considering the merits of their protection claims’.
- 11.
According to Nshimbi and Moyo (2016), ‘several European countries that previously had open door policies have shifted their position on refugees and migrants who attempt to reach their shores from Africa’.
- 12.
- 13.
See information on the distribution of final decisions on (non-EU) asylum applications across European countries, 2015. Source: Eurostat (http://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/statistics-explained/index.php/Asylum_statistics).
- 14.
See, for example, https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/1999/09/belg-s01.html
- 15.
- 16.
- 17.
In the Belgian case, CIRÉ (Coordination et Initiatives pour Réfugiés et Étrangers, which groups all organisations in Wallonia) and the Vluchtelingenwerk Vlaanderen (Flemish Refugee Action) are the two key umbrella and well-established organisations in the sector of asylum seekers and migrants (regardless of the latter’s legal status). Similar to Vluchtelingenwerk, much of CIRÉ’s work is devoted to research, putting pressure on policy-makers to put the issue of refugees and their needs on the agenda, raising awareness and disseminating knowledge through, for example, drafting reports, organising workshops, delivering educational activities in schools, and so on. These organisations also carry out important work on the ground. For example, CIRÉ is managing a welcome centre that hosts up to 1000 asylum seekers; it also runs language schools, supplies information points, provides professional training and counselling, and so on.
- 18.
For instance, many of these MEPs promoted resolutions ‘on the latest tragedies in the Mediterranean and EU migration and asylum policies’ and ‘on migration and refugees in Europe’ in April and September 2015, respectively.
- 19.
- 20.
We use the terms ‘informal camp’ and ‘jungle’ interchangeably throughout. Note that ‘jungle’, which comes from the Pashto word ‘zanggal’, is a recurrent term used by activists in the interviews.
- 21.
For example, despite the widespread presence of British volunteers, until July 2016 co-ordination meetings in Calais took place (only) in French. Accordingly, British activists complained that most of the individuals and groups from the United Kingdom were thus excluded.
- 22.
See passeursdhospitalites.wordpress.com and www.calaidipedia.co.uk
- 23.
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Alcalde, J., Portos, M. (2018). Scale Shift and Transnationalisation Within Refugees’ Solidarity Activism. From Calais to the European Level. In: della Porta, D. (eds) Solidarity Mobilizations in the ‘Refugee Crisis’. Palgrave Studies in European Political Sociology. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-71752-4_9
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