Abstract
Since the 1977 elections, from five to nine nationalist and regionalist parties have occupied between 7% and 11% of seats in parliament. This chapter focuses on the description of the main characteristics and visions of MPs of those parties and the sources of the differences among them. It looks first at the organization and conception of representation. Second, it focuses on the positions of these parties in the center-periphery axis based on three dimensions, namely, cultural, institutional and fiscal. Nationalist and regionalist parties are characterized by the greater importance of grass-roots members in the selection of candidates and by a greater propensity to factionalism than national parties. Linguistic mobilization by these parties can depend on the characteristics of the regional language in relation to the majority language. In the institutional and fiscal dimensions, surprisingly homogeneous positions exist between the representatives of these parties.
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Notes
- 1.
Politicians were offered different possibilities: “If you had to choose to be elected for one of these representative posts, and assuming the decision only depended on what you want or think, which would you choose?”
- 2.
Linked to this result, we also examined the hypothesis that peripheral parties are more oriented towards the local level than national parties. However, this hypothesis is not confirmed with the exception of regionalist parties (CC, CHA) and only for certain indicators.
- 3.
Perhaps the most important split occurred in PNV in the mid-1980s, which led to the formation of EA. However, CC and ERC have also experienced divisions over the past decade. At the time the interviews were conducted, BNG was also on the verge of dividing, on the eve of regional elections in Galicia in 2012. Finally, the CiU coalition split in June of 2015—after the interviews were conducted—following decades of stable electoral alliance.
- 4.
“On a scale from 1 to 7 where 1 is little and 7 is a lot, I would like you to tell me: How much power do the following groups have within your party to select candidates for parliament.” The questions was measured on a scale from 1 to 7, where 1 is little and 7 is a lot.
- 5.
The question was worded as follows: “In your case, why do you think you were offered a place on the electoral list or they accepted your offer to be included on the list? I will give you a series of criteria and I would like you to tell me whether, in your case, they were possessed a great deal, fair amount, some, little or no importance in offering you a place on the electoral list. Each reason for recruitment is measured on a scale from 1 to 5, where 1 is no importance and 5 is a great deal of importance.”
- 6.
The question was worded as follows: “Sometimes, an MP disagrees with the proposals of his or her party. In general terms, do you think that in this event, MPs should in principle (1) Vote with their party, (2) Register their opinion but accept the party line; (3)Abstain; (4) Ignore the party line and vote independently?”
- 7.
The question was worded as follows: “Some think that individual MPs should hold positions of responsibility within the party organisation. Others think this should not be so. In general, which of these two stances do you take?”
- 8.
Given that the battery of questions about language was only administered to MPs from regions with their own language , the category of “regionalist parties” was reduced to just two observations, and so it has not been included in the tables and graphs about language.
- 9.
The question was worded as follows: “Which language was spoken in your home when you were a child? (1) Spanish (2) Catalan, Galician, Basque, Valencian (3) Both languages (4) Other languages?” The option “bilingual” was not read out to interviewees. Only asked of MPs in regions with their own language: Catalonia, Basque Country, Galicia, Navarre, the Balearic Islands and Valencia.
- 10.
Forty one percent of representatives from PNV and 50% of those from BNG state that Basque and Galician are their mother tongue, in contrast to 87% and 100% of the representatives of CiU and ERC respectively.
- 11.
The question was worded as follows “Do you consider yourself first and foremost a speaker of (1) Spanish or (2) Catalan, Basque, Galician? (3) Bilingual?” The option “bilingual” was not read out to interviewees. Only asked of MPs in regions with their own language: Catalonia, Basque Country, Galicia, Navarre, the Balearic Islands, and Valencia.
- 12.
The question was worded as follows: “Do you think that the language in which education is taught should be (1) Regulated by law. (2) Decided by parents?” Asked only of MPs from regions with their own language: Catalonia, Basque Country, Galicia, Navarre, Balearic Islands and Valencia.
- 13.
The question was worded as follows: “Would you be in favour of independence for your region if you had the opportunity to vote on it?”
- 14.
This position accounts for an ample majority even among MPs for PNV. Only in the category of “other nationalist parties”, which encompasses other parties from the Basque Party and Navarre (Aralar, EA, Nabai), do the majority feel that their region has attained a satisfactory level of finance.
- 15.
The question was worded as follows: “Do you think your region should aspire to obtain the quota system regardless of whether others do?”
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Pérez-Nievas, S., Bartolomé, E. (2018). MPs Representing Nationalist and Regionalist Parties. In: Coller, X., Jaime-Castillo, A., Mota, F. (eds) Political Power in Spain. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-63826-3_14
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