Skip to main content

Assessing Constitutional Efficacy: Lessons from Mexico’s Hegemonic Party Era

  • Chapter
  • First Online:
Book cover Morality, Governance, and Social Institutions
  • 321 Accesses

Abstract

Assessing the efficacy of a codified constitution has proven to be a very challenging proposition. In this chapter, I aim to contribute to the response to the challenge posed by observational equivalence of different types of motivation to behave in accordance with the constitution. I do so by focusing on a case of constitutional enforcement in Mexico under the authoritarian ruling of the PRI. I argue that understanding when and how constitutions are enforced in authoritarian contexts is interesting and relevant in itself, but also that it can shed fresh analytical light on constitutional efficacy under democratic regimes. Mexico was governed by a hegemonic party system centered in a powerful executive from 1929 to 2000. During these seven decades, the PRI had control over the Administration, the Federal Congress, the states’ Governments, and the Judiciary. The President was the cornerstone of a well-disciplined political system: he was the head of the government and the head of the party. Nevertheless, during this president-centered era, Article 83 of the Constitution that establishes a six-year presidential term without re-election was neither altered nor violated, by any President. Without doubt this constituted a very strong constraint on power on otherwise powerful individuals. Why could presidents neither change Article 83 nor violate it? Was Article 83 efficacious? How can we know? And what lesson can we draw from this case about how to assess constitutional efficacy in general? To answer these questions, I analyze President Miguel Alemán’s (1946–1952) unsuccessful attempt to seek re-election.

For Russell Hardin, in memoriam.

His generosity and integrity both academic and personal have been, and will continue to be, a motivational force.

This is a preview of subscription content, log in via an institution to check access.

Access this chapter

Chapter
USD 29.95
Price excludes VAT (USA)
  • Available as PDF
  • Read on any device
  • Instant download
  • Own it forever
eBook
USD 99.00
Price excludes VAT (USA)
  • Available as EPUB and PDF
  • Read on any device
  • Instant download
  • Own it forever
Softcover Book
USD 129.99
Price excludes VAT (USA)
  • Compact, lightweight edition
  • Dispatched in 3 to 5 business days
  • Free shipping worldwide - see info
Hardcover Book
USD 129.99
Price excludes VAT (USA)
  • Durable hardcover edition
  • Dispatched in 3 to 5 business days
  • Free shipping worldwide - see info

Tax calculation will be finalised at checkout

Purchases are for personal use only

Institutional subscriptions

Notes

  1. 1.

    For instance, the constitution mandated life tenure for Supreme Court Justices. However, every 6 years the incoming president used to appoint as much as 72% of the Court (Ruiz Cortines, 1952–1958) and no less than 36% (López Mateos, 1958–1964). “The president could thus somehow create vacancies to be filled by justices he appointed or, in other words, he could either dismiss justices or induce early retirements” (Magaloni 2003, 228–289). See also: Valdés Ugalde (2010).

  2. 2.

    Every incoming president amended the constitution to make it fit his political agenda: as much as 66 constitutional provisions were altered in the presidential term of Miguel de la Madrid Hurtado (1982–1988).

  3. 3.

    An example of these changes was the transformation of the selection of candidates from primary elections to local party assemblies that enabled more control of the party leaders over the governors, senators, and deputies candidacies (Servín 2001, 129).

  4. 4.

    The PRI had a formal president but as stated earlier the President of the Republic was the political leader of the party.

  5. 5.

    As I have said Lombardo Toledano was an important union leader who strongly opposed Alemán’s reelection. He was close both to President Cárdenas and to President Ávila Camacho.

  6. 6.

    For instance, many messages were expressed in negative form. As I stated before, the Generals’ denial of the “rumors” of a possible split from the PRI left wing actually brought that possibility to the table, and this was the way the message was understood by the politicians of the time and by the foreign analysts. In the same connection, stating that the president would never promote his reelection actually meant that he shouldn’t.

  7. 7.

    General Sánchez Taboada (1895–1955) was a hero of the Constitutionalist Army. He executed the death sentence of Emiliano Zapata. He was Governor of Baja California, Secretary of Marine, and president of the PRI both in Mexico City and at national level. It was known that General Taboada supported the presidential candidacy of Fernando Casas and strongly opposed any attempt to amend the constitution.

  8. 8.

    He eventually deposed his candidacy in favor of General Henríquez to more effectively “defend the principles of the revolution.”

  9. 9.

    Note this conceptualization of constitutional efficacy refers only to the organic sections of constitutions (i.e. to articles that establish the functions and powers of constituted organs).

  10. 10.

    Note that the need of separating these two senses in which a constitution is a coordination device follows from the recognition that an account of modern constitutional government requires a two-stage theory (see Hardin 1998, 83).

  11. 11.

    Neither ex-president nor PRI president has constitutional status (i.e. they are not part of the constitution).

References

  • Alemán Valdes, Miguel. 1987. Remembranzas y testimonios. Cd.Mx.: Grijalbo.

    Google Scholar 

  • Angulo et al. 1950. Desplegado, El Universal, (Mexico City), April 15.

    Google Scholar 

  • Barquín Alvarez, Manuel. 1990. Artículo 83. In Constitución política de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos: comentada. Cd.Mx.: IIJ-UNAM.

    Google Scholar 

  • Barros, Robert. 2002. Constitutionalism and Dictatorship. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

    Book  Google Scholar 

  • Cárdenas, Lázaro. 1973. Obras I. Apuntes, 1941–1956. México City: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, v. 2.

    Google Scholar 

  • Chanes Nieto, José. 1993. La designación del presidente de la república. México: Plaza y Valdés Editores.

    Google Scholar 

  • Cosío Villegas, Daniel. 1975. La Sucesión Presidencial. Cd.Mx.: Cuadernos de Joaquín Mortiz.

    Google Scholar 

  • Fix-Fierro, Héctor, and Diego Valadés. 2016. La Constitución Reordenada y Consolidada. Cd.Mx.: Instituto de Investigaciones Jurídicas UNAM. Available online in http://www2.juridicas.unam.mx/constitucion-reordenadaconsolidada/

  • Ginsburg, Tom, and Alberto Simpser, eds. 2009. Constitutions in Authoritarian Regimes. New York: Cambridge University Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Ginsburg, Tom, and Alberto Simpser, eds. 2014. Constitutions in Authoritarian Regimes. New York: Cambridge University Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • González Casanova, Pablo (coord.). 1985. Las elecciones en México: Evolución y Perspectivas. Cd.Mx.: Siglo XXI.

    Google Scholar 

  • Hamilton, Alexander, John Jay, and James Madison. 2000. The Federalist. New York: The Modern Library.

    Google Scholar 

  • Hardin, Russell. 1998. Liberalism, Constitutionalism, and Democracy. New York: Oxford University Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Levinson, Daryl J., and Richard H. Pildes. 2006. Separation of Parties, Not Powers. Harvard Law Review 119 (8): 2312–2385.

    Google Scholar 

  • Magaloni, Beatriz. 2003. Authoritarianism, Democracy and the Supreme Court: Horizontal Exchange and the Rule of Law in Mexico. In Democratic Accountability in Latin America, ed. Scott Mainwaring and Christopher Welna. New York: Oxford University Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Marván Laborde, Ignacio. 2017. Cómo hicieron la Constitución de 1917. Biblioteca Mexicana, Cd.Mx.: Secretaría de Cultura-Fondo de Cultura Económica-CIDE.

    Google Scholar 

  • Medin, Tzvi. 1990. El sexenio alemanista. Cd.Mx.: Era.

    Google Scholar 

  • Medina, Luis. 1982. Civilismo y modernización del autoritarismo. In Historia de la Revolución Mexicana, 1940–1952, vol. t.20. Cd.Mx.: El Colegio de México.

    Google Scholar 

  • Mendieta y Núñez, Lucio. 1949. Irresponsable Goverments. El Universal November 26, 1949.

    Google Scholar 

  • Merton, K. Robert. 1949. Social Theory and Social Structure. New York: The Free Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Pozas-Horcasitas, Ricardo. 2009. Elección presidencial y reproducción del régimen político en 1964. In Secuencia, Núm. 74, Mayo-Ago.

    Google Scholar 

  • Pozas-Loyo, Andrea. 2012. Constitutional Efficacy. PhD Dissertation, New York University.

    Google Scholar 

  • Pozas-Loyo, Andrea and Julio Ríos-Figueroa. 2017 (forthcoming). Authoritarian Constitutionalism. In Oxford Handbook of Constitutional Law in Latin America, ed. Roberto Gargarella and Conrado Hübner Mendes. New York: OUP.

    Google Scholar 

  • Searle, John R. 2010. Making the Social World. New York: Oxford University Press.

    Book  Google Scholar 

  • Servín, Elisa. 2001. Ruptura y oposición: el movimiento henriquista, 1945–1954. Cd.Mx.: Cal y Arena.

    Google Scholar 

  • Servín, Elisa. 2002. Las elecciones presidenciales de 1952: Un intento de cambio democrático. Estudios de Historia Moderna y Contemporánea de México 23 (23): 179–205.

    Google Scholar 

  • Torres, Blanca. 1984. Hacia la utopía industrial. In Historia de la Revolución Mexicana, 1940–1952, vol. t.21. Cd.Mx.: El Colegio de México.

    Google Scholar 

  • Tushnet, Mark. 2015. Authoritarian Constitutionalism. Cornell Law Review 100: 391–460.

    Google Scholar 

  • Valdés Ugalde, Francisco. 2010. La regla ausente. Democracia y conflicto constitucional en México. Barcelona: Editorial Gedisa.

    Google Scholar 

  • Weingast, B.R. 1997. The Political Foundations of Democracy and the Rule of the Law. American Political Science Review 91 (2): 245–263.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Wilkie W. James, and Edna Monzón. 1969. México Visto en el Siglo XX. Cd.Mx.: Instituto de Investigaciones Económicas UNAM.

    Google Scholar 

Download references

Author information

Authors and Affiliations

Authors

Editor information

Editors and Affiliations

Rights and permissions

Reprints and permissions

Copyright information

© 2018 The Author(s)

About this chapter

Cite this chapter

Pozas-Loyo, A. (2018). Assessing Constitutional Efficacy: Lessons from Mexico’s Hegemonic Party Era. In: Christiano, T., Creppell, I., Knight, J. (eds) Morality, Governance, and Social Institutions. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-61070-2_9

Download citation

Publish with us

Policies and ethics