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An Unmanned South China Sea? Understanding the Risks and Implications of the Arrival of the Digital and Robotic Revolution in Military Affairs in the SCS

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Power Politics in Asia’s Contested Waters

Part of the book series: Global Power Shift ((GLOBAL))

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Abstract

The chapter aims to understand how the introduction of new military technology—in particular robotic unmanned technology—would influence the waters of the SCS. Currently it is clear that the conflict in the SCS has been heating up and that its waters are becoming unruly. Albeit unruly it has not turned yet into to a storm, which in the author’s opinion can be contributed to a delicate political balance in place. However, history has shown that the introduction of new military technology—and the absence of norms and values on how to use and counter them—could radically change a military and political situation. The purpose of this chapter is therefore to understand whether the robotics revolution will change the situation in the SCS, how it will change this and what this would mean for the future direction of the disputes.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    CSS, NPS, RAND and US-CN ESRC are all US government organizations.

  2. 2.

    It needs to be noted that due to language restrictions the author has only be able to look at literature published in English/German/Dutch.

  3. 3.

    The so called nine dash line (also referred to as nine dotted line) refers to the demarcation line used by the PRC in the SCS. The original line consisted of 11 dashes and was first formulated by the ROC. With the change of government in 1949 the PRC took over the ROC claims, while the ROC—now in Taiwan—continued to claim the nine dash line simultaneously. As most of the territory claimed under the nine dash lines (90 % of the territory of the SCS) overlaps with Philippine, Vietnamese and Brunei claims in the SCS it has become one of main sources of conflict within the SCS. Currently, no legal framework underlays the claims (as they should be based on land masses, which China nor Taiwan does posses to the extent they can claim the degree they do now) and as such there are rejected by all other actors.

  4. 4.

    Gearan (2014).

  5. 5.

    Bradsher (2013), Gady (2015).

  6. 6.

    This would mark the first time that Japan air and naval military forces would be stationed for a longer period in non-Japanese Asian area of operations. For further information see http://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2015-02-04/japan-to-consider-expanding-navy-patrols-to-SCS (accessed on 24/02/2015) and http://thediplomat.com/2014/10/vietnams-extensive-strategic-partnership-with-japan/ (accessed on 24/02/2015).

  7. 7.

    http://www.ndtv.com/india-news/india-to-sell-warships-to-vietnam-increase-footprints-in-SCS-715108 (accessed on 27/02/2015).

  8. 8.

    http://www.reuters.com/article/2012/10/07/us-defence-southeastasia-idUSBRE8960JY20121007 (accessed on 27/02/2015) and http://www.dw.de/sipri-southeast-asias-defense-build-up-is-a-balancing-act/a-17860646 (accessed on 27/02/2015).

  9. 9.

    Of all actors involved in the SCS dispute only Taiwan has in the recent years decreased its military spending. All other actors have increased their defense spending.

  10. 10.

    Ebbinghausen (2013).

  11. 11.

    Blanchard and Lim (2011).

  12. 12.

    Osborn (2014), Page (2014).

  13. 13.

    Keck (2014).

  14. 14.

    E.g. the Chinese contribution to the anti-piracy mission off the Somali coast.

  15. 15.

    Mc Donald (2014).

  16. 16.

    However, the question here arises to which extent these systems are foreseen for the SCS area of operations, as a Taiwan strait conflict remains the clear military priority for Taiwan and the modernization of the PLAN has clearly affected the military balance in the Taiwan Strait as well.

  17. 17.

    Speech by Japanese Prime Minister Shinizo Abe at the 44th World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland. The speech can be found here http://japan.kantei.go.jp/96_abe/statement/201401/22speech_e.html (accessed 14/05/2015).

  18. 18.

    Keck (2013). See also Clouet (2012).

  19. 19.

    Moss T (2013), Parameswaran (2015), Beckerman (2014).

  20. 20.

    Chang et al. (2015, p. 6).

  21. 21.

    China for example considered a drone strike against a notorious drug lord which it sought to apprehend. It in the end decided to capture him, rather than sending armed UAVs. Nevertheless the fact that China considered this as viable option indicates to which extent apparently lethal UAV strikes are becoming accepted. For further information see: Perlez (2013). Furthermore, it could be argued that the air strikes of Egypt against Libya and the Saudi-Arabian air campaign against Yemen and the absence of real international objections are the result of the drone strikes campaign as well. As the drone strikes campaign were and is conducted unilaterally it thereby created possibilities for other nations to conduct their unilateral air strikes, such as in the case of the campaigns mentioned here. Drones might be absent in these campaigns, but this rather a due the absence of such systems.

  22. 22.

    Chang et al. (2015, p. 9).

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Correspondence to Tobias J. Burgers .

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Burgers, T.J. (2016). An Unmanned South China Sea? Understanding the Risks and Implications of the Arrival of the Digital and Robotic Revolution in Military Affairs in the SCS. In: Fels, E., Vu, TM. (eds) Power Politics in Asia’s Contested Waters. Global Power Shift. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-26152-2_4

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