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A Users’ Guide for the Present

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Eduard Bernstein on the German Revolution
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Abstract

The defeat of the June insurrection did not just affect the June fighters and the particular socialist party that stood behind them. It affected the entire socialist workers’ movement in France. Though it does not completely vanish from the stage, its strength as an independent movement is spent. It is no longer in a position to form an independent party with its own policy, but rather can only engage itself politically by entering a coalition with petty-bourgeois democrats, which effectively makes it their tail. The members of this petty-bourgeois-democratic party call themselves ‘socialist democrats’ (democrats socialistes), which Gottfried Kinkel, who was congenial towards them, then translated as ‘social democrats’, without suspecting how different a meaning this word would one day acquire. In the elections of May 1849 they manage to bring through a respectable number of delegates to the legislative National Assembly, around 200 of 750 in total, but among them only a very small minority of true representatives of the working class. The majority are democrats whose socialism goes no further than the socialism of the German democrat Schulze-Delitzsch, except with a more radical lick of paint. On 13 June 1849 they too suffer a defeat at a demonstration in Paris, which is bloodless but which has the result that part of its leadership is put behind lock and key, others go into exile, and the party ceases to be taken seriously in the National Assembly. The parliamentary struggle for power now plays out exclusively between the bourgeois republicans and the various groups of more or less outspoken monarchists.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Johann Gottfried Kinkel (1815–1882), Prussian-German Protestant theologian, author, and democratically-minded politician, in exile professor for literary and art history in Britain and Switzerland.

  2. 2.

    Franz Hermann Schulze-Delitzsch (1808–1883), Prussian-German lawyer, social reformer, and progressive-liberal politician, along with Friedrich Wilhelm Raiffeisen forefather of the German cooperative movement.

  3. 3.

    Karl Marx,The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Napoleon, in Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, Collected Works, vol. 11: Marx and Engels 1851–1853 (London: Lawrence & Wishart, 1979), p. 124.

  4. 4.

    Eduard Bernstein, ‘Die mechanistische und die organische Idee der Revolutionsgewalt’, in Ignaz Jezower and Paul Adler (eds.), Die Befreiung der Menschheit: Freiheitsideen in Vergangenheit und Gegenwart (Berlin: Deutsches Verlagshaus Bong & Co., 1921).

  5. 5.

    [Ed. B.—The cited passage is taken from the issue of Représentant du Peuple of 29 April 1848, and reads:

    When the nation has already exhausted its resources; when the country is devoid of commerce and industry; when the workers, demoralised by club politics and factory stoppages, enlist as soldiers in order just to survive; when a million proletarians mass together for a crusade against property; when hungering bands roam the land and organise plunder; then the peasant guards his crops with loaded gun and gives up farming; when the curse of desperation reigns over all of France—O, then you will know what a revolution is, a revolution evoked by lawyers, accomplished by artists, and led by novelists and poets. … Awake from your slumbers, Montagnards, Feuillants, Cordeliers, Muscadins, Fansonists, and Babouvists. You are not six weeks away from the events I foretell. Cry: Long live the Republic! Down with the façades! Then turn around and go forwards! Six weeks later—22 to 25 June 1848—came the June battle.]

  6. 6.

    Eduard Bernstein, The Preconditions of Socialism, Henry Tudor (ed.) (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993 [1899]), p. 38, 40–46.

  7. 7.

    Pyotr Tkachev (1844–1886), Russian writer and political philosopher, along with Sergey Nechayev sought to introduce into Russian Marxism a commitment to political action by a close-knit, well-organised revolutionary vanguard party, intellectual forerunner of Leninism.

  8. 8.

    Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, ‘Preface to the 1872 Edition of the Manifesto of the Communist Party’, in Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, Collected Works, vol. 23: Marx and Engels, 1871–1874 (London: Lawrence & Wishart, 1988), p. 175.

  9. 9.

    Karl Marx,Capital, vol. 1, in Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, Collected Works, vol. 35: Karl Marx—Capital Volume I (London: Lawrence & Wishart, 1996), p. 10.

  10. 10.

    Ibid., p. 243.

  11. 11.

    Karl Marx, Capital, vol. 3, in Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, Collected Works, vol. 37: Karl Marx—Capital Volume III (London: Lawrence & Wishart, 1998), p. 806.

  12. 12.

    [Ed. B.—The author of this piece has also done the same from another angle in his lecture “The socialisation of enterprises”, held on 24 February 1919 in the political science seminar of the University of Basel, which appeared in the Verlag der National-Zeitung, in its stenographic form—sadly partly uncorrected. That the Marxian theory of value must lead to quite erroneous conclusions, if one wants to apply it in practice without consideration for the economic function of the businessman, is explained in my work The Preconditions of Socialism in the chapter on the significance of the Marxian theory of value.] Alphons Horten, Sozialisierung und Wiederaufbau (Berlin: Verlag Neues Vaterland, 1920).

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Correspondence to Marius S. Ostrowski .

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Ostrowski, M.S. (2020). A Users’ Guide for the Present. In: Eduard Bernstein on the German Revolution. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-27719-2_20

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