Abstract
This chapter introduces this book. The author justifies the need for writing this book despite its politically sensitive nature and situates Swaziland in its geo-historical context. She examines the antecedents of scholarly works on Swaziland’s constitution before articulating the objectives of the book which are intended to fill the hiatus in this area of scholarship. The significance of the book and the methodology used in collecting and presenting data is discussed. The methodology is essentially qualitative and involves the use of primary archival documents and interviews and secondary sources. The author then proceeds to display the layout of the book and a summary of each of the 8 chapters into which it is partitioned.
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- 1.
Even where chiefs were recognised in the constitution, they were banned from getting involved in modern politics as is the case in Ghana. (For more on the eclipsing of African traditional rulers in modern politics at the end of colonial rule, see D. I. Ray, ‘Divided Sovereignty: Traditional Authority and the State in Ghana’, The Journal of Legal Pluralism and Unofficial Law 28, 37–38 [1996], 181–202; A. Keese, ‘Understanding Colonial Chieftaincy from Its Final Phase: Responses to the Crisis of an Institution in French-Ruled West Africa and Beyond, 1944–1960’, Africana Studia, 15 [2010], 11–28; R. Rathbone, ‘Kwame Nkruma and the Chiefs: The Fate of “Natural Rulers” Under Nationalist Governments’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 10 [2000], 45–63; R. C. Crook, ‘Decolonization, the Colonial State, and Chieftaincy in the Gold Coast’, African Affairs, 85, 338 [1986], 75–106; and A. S. Anamzoya, ‘Chieftaincy Is Dead: Long Live Chieftaincy: Renewed Relevance of Chieftaincy in Postcolonial Ghana’, The African Review, 40, 2 [2017], 115–139).
- 2.
See, for instance, D. Woods, ‘Monarchical Rule in Swaziland: Power Is Absolute but Patronage Is (for) Relative(s)’, Journal of Asian and African Studies, 52, 4 (2017), 497–513; D. Woods, ‘Patrimonialism (Neo) and the Kingdom of Swaziland: Employing a Case Study to Rescale a Concept’, Commonwealth & Comparative Politics, 50, 3 (2012), 344–366; C. M. Fombad, ‘The Swaziland Constitution of 2005: Can Absolutism Be Reconciled with Modern Constitutionalism?’, South African Journal on Human Rights, 23, 1 (2007), 93–115; L. N. Mnisi, ‘From Absolutism to Constitutional Monarchy: Has the New Constitution Transformed Prospects for Human Rights in the Kingdom of Swaziland’ (PhD diss., University of Essex, 2010); A. K. Domson-Lindsay, ‘Neopatrimonialism and the Swazi State’, Politeia (02568845), 32, 3 (2013); and D. Motsamai, ‘Swaziland’s Non-Party Political System and the 2013 Tinkhundla Elections Breaking the SADC Impasse?’, Africa Portal (2012).
- 3.
Reuters, ‘Africa’s Last Absolute Monarch Renames Swaziland as “eSwatini”’, Mbabane, April 19, 2018; News24, ‘eSwatini, Africa’s Last Absolute Monarchy’, September 9, 2018; BBC News, 1. eSwatini Country Profile—BBC News—BBC.com, ‘The Kingdom of eSwatini Is One of the World’s Last Remaining Absolute Monarchies’, www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-14095303, September 3, 2018; CNN, ‘Absolute Monarch Changes Swaziland Name to “eSwatini”’, www.cnn.com/2018/04/20/africa/swaziland-eswatini-africa-monarchy-intl/index.html; and CNN, April 21, 2018 … The king of Swaziland, Africa’s last absolute monarch, has changed the name of his country to the “Kingdom of eSwatini” to mark the 50th (Alain Vicky, ‘Africa’s Last Absolute Monarchy’, Le Monde diplomatique, mondediplo.com/2018/10/10swaziland).
- 4.
See H. P. Dlamini, ‘The Tinkhundla Monarchical Democracy: An African System of Good Governance?’, In O. Bialostocka (ed.), New African Thinkers Agenda 2063: Culture at the Heart of Sustainable Development (Cape Town: HSRC Press, 2018).
- 5.
See J. B. Mzizi, ‘Leadership, Civil Society and Democratisation in Swaziland’, Development Policy Management Forum (DPMF), 2002; M. V. Mthembu, ‘Participation of Swazi Women in the Traditional Public Sphere, Sibaya, in the Kingdom of Swaziland’, Communicare: Journal for Communication Sciences in Southern Africa, 37, 1 (2018), 74–93; K. A. Acheampong and A. K. Domson-Lindsay, ‘Unlocking the Security Puzzle in Swaziland: The Centrality of Human Rights and Democracy’, African Security Review, 20, 3 (2011), 3–14; B. Masuku and P. Limb, ‘Swaziland: The Struggle for Political Freedom and Democracy’, Review of African Political Economy, 43, 149 (2016), 518–527; and H. P. Sereo, ‘The Contribution of the People’s United Democratic Movement (PUDEMO) to Democratic Change in Swaziland, 1983–2013’ (PhD diss., University of Zululand, 2018).
- 6.
The Democratic Republic of Congo is not comparable to Swaziland in terms of natural resources and stands as one of the most endowed countries in Africa. Yet generalised poverty, civil war and total chaos is the trade mark of the DRC (see C. W. Mullins and D. L. Rothe, ‘Gold, Diamonds and Blood: International State-Corporate Crime in the Democratic Republic of the Congo’, Contemporary Justice Review, 11, 2 [2008], 81–99; E. Dearaujo, ‘Chaotic Congo’, Harvard International Review, 23, 3 [2001], 10).
- 7.
J. Daniel, ‘The Political Economy of Colonial and Post-colonial Swaziland’, South African Labour Bulletin, 7, 6 (1982), 106.
- 8.
For more on African tyrants, see R. H. Jackson, R. H. Jackson, and C. G. Rosberg, Personal Rule in Black Africa: Prince, Autocrat, Prophet, Tyrant (London: University of California Press, 1982); S. Decalo, Psychoses of Power: African Personal Dictatorships. Vol. 3 (Boulder: Florida Academic Press, 1998); and Ali A. Mazrui, ‘Between Development and Decay: Anarchy, Tyranny and Progress Under Idi Amin’, Third World Quarterly, 2, 1 (1980), 44–58.
- 9.
The way the question of monarchical absolutism in Swaziland is presented in popular media as the “last absolute monarchy” in Africa carries some grain of exaggeration and prejudice. Absolutism, otherwise referred to as neopatrimonialism, is a political regime based on the personalisation of power, the use of public resources, and the preferential (instead of meritocratic) appointment of civil servants Neopatrimonialism affects almost all sub-Saharan states to differing degrees (see A. Pitcher, M. H. Moran, and M. Johnston, ‘Rethinking Patrimonialism and Neopatrimonialism in Africa’, African Studies Review, 52, 1 [2009], 125–156; D. C. Bach and M. Gazibo [eds.], Neopatrimonialism in Africa and Beyond [Routledge, 2013]; M. Bratton and N. Van de Walle, ‘Neopatrimonial Regimes and Political Transitions in Africa’, World Politics, 46, 4 [1994], 453–489; and G. Erdmann and U. Engel, Neopatrimonialism Revisited: Beyond a Catch-All Concept, 2006). The pervasive nature of absolutism or neopatrimonialism in Africa seems not to have been fully appreciated by the propagandists of the “last absolute monarchy theory in Africa with reference to the Swazi political regime.
- 10.
J. E. Lane, Constitutions and Political Theory (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1996), 5.
- 11.
Ibid., 7.
- 12.
B. O. Nwabueze, Constitutionalism in the Emergent States (New York: C. Hugh and Company, 1973), 2.
- 13.
D. Grimm, ‘Types of Constitutions’, In M. Rosenfeld and A. Sajo (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Comparative Constitutional Law (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012), 104.
- 14.
M. E. Akpan, Constitution and Constitutionalism (Calabar: Paico Ltd., 1984), 1.
- 15.
M. B. Ndulo and R. B. Kent, ‘Constitutionalism in Zambia: Past Present and Future’, Journal of African Law, 40, 2 (1996), 256.
- 16.
Ibid., 256.
- 17.
T. Maseko, ‘The Drafting of the Constitution of Swaziland, 2005’, African Human Rights Law Journal (2005), 317.
- 18.
Ibid., 317–318.
- 19.
S. S. Vilakati, Geography for Swaziland (Manzini: Macmillan Boleswa Publishers, 1997); Andrew Goudie, The Atlas of Swaziland, No. 4, Swaziland National Trust Commission, 1983.
- 20.
Ibid.
- 21.
Ibid.
- 22.
See, for instance, R. H. Jackson and C. G. Rosberg, ‘Popular Legitimacy in African Multi-Ethnic States’, The Journal of Modern African Studies, 22, 2 (1984), 177–198.
- 23.
This in no way implies that a homogeneous ethnic nation-state is a guarantee for peace and harmony as the Somali case has demonstrated (see K. Menkhaus, Somalia: State Collapse and the Threat of Terrorism [Routledge, 2013]).
- 24.
For constitution making in British Africa and South Africa in the 1990s, see R. M. Maxon, Kenya’s Independence Constitution: Constitution-Making and End of Empire (Fairleigh Dickinson, 2011); G. S. K. Ibingira, The Forging of an African Nation: The Political and Constitutional Evolution of Uganda from Colonial Rule to Independence, 1894–1962 (Viking Adult, 1973).
- 25.
P. Bonner, Kings, Commoners and Concessionaires: The Evolution and Dissolution of the Nineteenth-Century Swazi State. Vol. 31 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2002).
- 26.
See K. Ezera, Constitutional Developments in Nigeria (London: Cambridge University Press, 1964); B. O. Nwabueze, A Constitutional History of Nigeria (London: C. Hurst and Company, 1982).
- 27.
That is to say, the British imposed the Richards Constitution on Nigerians instead of involving them in the formulation of the constitution (see Ezera, Constitutional Development in Nigeria, 107–111).
- 28.
A. E. Afigbo, ‘Background to Nigerian Federalism: Federal Features in the Colonial State’, Publius: The Journal of Federalism, 21, 4 (1991), 13–29; B. O. Nwabueze, A Constitutional History of Nigeria (Addison-Wesley Longman Ltd., 1982).
- 29.
N. F. Awasom, ‘Politics and Constitution-Making in Francophone Cameroon, 1959–1960’, Africa Today (2002), 3–30.
- 30.
B. A. B. Sikhondze, ‘Factors That Have Stalled Efforts Towards a Constitution in Swaziland, 1970s to 2003: A Constitutional History’, Paper presented for a Workshop of the Swaziland OSSREA Chapter, November 27, 2003.
- 31.
J. Baloro, ‘The Development of Swaziland’s Constitution: Monarchical Response to Modern Challenges’, Journal of African Law, 38, 1 (1994), 19–34; C. P. Potholm, Swaziland: The Dynamics of Political Modernization (London: University of California Press, 1972.); C. Potholm, ‘Swaziland Under Sobhuza II: The Future of an African Monarchy’, The Round Table: The Commonwealth Journal of International Affairs, 64, 254 (1974), 219–227; B. P. Wanda, ‘The Shaping of Modern Constitution in Swaziland: A Review of Some Social and Historical Factors’, Lesotho Law Journal, 6, 1 (1990), 137–178; T. Maseko, ‘Constitution Making in Swaziland: The Cattle-Byre Constitution Act 001 of 2005’, Paper presented at African Network of Constitutional Law Conference on Fostering Constitutionalism in Africa, Nairobi, 2007; T. Maseko, ‘The Drafting of the Constitution of Swaziland, 2005’, African Human Rights Law Journal, 8, 2 (2005), 312–336; and I. G. Dlamini, ‘Socio-economic and Political Constraint on Constitutional Reform in Swaziland’ (MA thesis, University of West Cape, 2005).
- 32.
H. Macmillan, ‘Swaziland: Decolonization and the Triumph of “Tradition”’, Journal of Modern African Studies, 23, 4 (1985), 643–666; H. Kuper, Sobhuza II Ngwenyama and King of Swaziland: The Story of an Hereditary Ruler and His Country (London: Gerald Duckworth and Co. Ltd., 1978).
- 33.
R. P. Stevens, ‘Swaziland Political Development’, The Journal of Modern African Studies, 1, 3 (1963), 327–350.
- 34.
J. Baloro, ‘The Development of Swaziland’s Constitution: Monarchical Responses to Modern Challenges’, Journal of African Law, 38 (1994), 19–34.
- 35.
K. Matlosa, ‘Democracy and Conflict in Post-apartheid Southern Africa: Dilemmas of Social Change in Small States’, International Affairs, 74, 2 (1998), 319–337; Baloro, ‘The Development of Swaziland’s Constitution: Monarchical Responses to Modern Challenges’; T. Maseko, ‘Constitution Making in Swaziland: The Cattle-Byre Constitution Act 001 of 2005’, Paper presented at African Network of Constitutional Law Conference on Fostering Constitutionalism in Africa, Nairobi, 2007; T. Maseko, ‘The Drafting of the Constitution of Swaziland, 2005’, African Human Rights Law Journal, 8, 2 (2005), 312–336; I. G. Dlamini, ‘Socio-economic and Political Constraint on Constitutional Reform in Swaziland’ (MA thesis, University of West Cape, 2005); and J. B. Mzizi, ‘The Dominance of the Swazi Monarchy and the Moral Dynamics of Democratisation of the Swazi State’, Journal of African Elections, 3, 1 (2004), 94–119.
- 36.
Recent scholarship informed this conceptualization of this category of civilian coup d’états which have taken place elsewhere (see, for instance, C. Sampford, ‘Making Coups History’, World Politics Review, 22 [2010], 1–10; J. Protzel, ‘Changing Political Cultures and Media Under Globalism in Latin America’, Democratising Global Media: One World, Many Struggles [2005], 101–120; M. Hutt, ‘King Gyanendra’s Coup and Its Implications for Nepal’s future’, Brown Journal of World Affairs, 12 [2005], 111; K. Hachhethu, ‘Legitimacy Crisis of Nepali Monarchy’, Economic and Political Weekly [2007], 1828–1833; K. M. Dixit, ‘Absolute Monarchy to Absolute Democracy’, Economic and Political Weekly [2005], 1506–1510; M. Hutt, ‘Nepal and Bhutan in 2005: Monarchy and Democracy, Can They Co-exist?’ [2006], 120–124; and D. Kumar, ‘Proximate Causes of Conflict in Nepal’, Contributions to Nepalese Studies, 32, 1 [2005], 51–92).
- 37.
See, for instance, G. Glentworth and I. Hancock, ‘Obote and Amin: Change and Continuity in Modern Uganda Politics’, African Affairs, 72, 288 (1973), 237–255; J. S. Saul, ‘The Unsteady State: Uganda, Obote and General Amin’, Review of African Political Economy, 3, 5 (1976), 12–38; A. A. Mazrui, ‘Between Development and Decay: Anarchy, Tyranny and Progress Under Idi Amin’, Third World Quarterly, 2, 1 (1980), 44–58; S. Cronjé, Equatorial Guinea, the Forgotten Dictatorship: Forced Labour and Political Murder in Central Africa (No. 2) (Anti-Slavery Society, 1976); and S. Baynham, ‘Equatorial Guinea: The Terror and the Coup’, The World Today, 36, 2 (1980), 65–71.
- 38.
W. H. MacDowell, Historical Research: A Guide (London: Longman, 2002), 57; J. Tosh, The Pursuit of History (London: Longman, 1991), 37–38.
- 39.
V. S. Hlatshwayo, ‘The Reality of Media Freedom in Swaziland Under the New Constitutional Dispensation’ (MA thesis, University of Cape Town, 2011), 31.
- 40.
‘Jan, Majahenkhaba, Mario’s Trip’, Times of Swaziland, November 8, 2015.
References
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Books, Journal Articles and Theses
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Akpan, M. E. Constitution and Constitutionalism (Calabar: Paico Ltd., 1984).
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Awasom, N. F. ‘Politics and Constitution-Making in Francophone Cameroon, 1959–1960’, Africa Today (2002), 3–30.
Baloro, J. ‘The Development of Swaziland’s Constitution: Monarchical Response to Modern Challenges’, Journal of African Law, 38, 1 (1994), 19–34.
Bonner, P. Kings, Commoners and Concessionaires: The Evolution and Dissolution of the Nineteenth-Century Swazi State. Vol. 31 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2002).
Crook, R. C. ‘Decolonization, the Colonial State, and Chieftaincy in the Gold Coast’, African Affairs, 85, 338 (1986), 75–106.
Daniel, J. ‘The Political Economy of Colonial and Post-colonial Swaziland’, South African Labour Bulletin, 7, 6 (1982), 90–113.
Dearaujo, E. ‘Chaotic Congo’, Harvard International Review, 23, 3 (2001), 10.
Decalo, S. Psychoses of Power: African Personal Dictatorships. Vol. 3 (Boulder: Florida Academic Press, 1998).
Dlamini, H. P. ‘Constitutional Developments in the Kingdom of Swaziland 1960–2005’ (PhD thesis, University of Pretoria, 2016).
Dlamini, H. P. ‘The Tinkhundla Monarchical Democracy: An African System of Good Governance?’, In O. Bialostocka (ed.), New African Thinkers Agenda 2063: Culture at the Heart of Sustainable Development (Cape Town: HSRC Press, 2018).
Dlamini, I. G. ‘Socio-economic and Political Constraint on Constitutional Reform in Swaziland’ (MA thesis, University of West Cape, 2005).
Dixit, K. M. ‘Absolute Monarchy to Absolute Democracy’, Economic and Political Weekly (2005), 1506–1510.
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Hlatshwayo, V. S. ‘The Reality of Media Freedom in Swaziland Under the New Constitutional Dispensation’ (MA thesis, University of Cape Town, 2011), 31.
Hutt, M. ‘King Gyanendra’s Coup and Its Implications for Nepal’s Future’, Brown Journal of World Affairs, 12 (2005), 111.
Hutt, M. ‘Nepal and Bhutan in 2005: Monarchy and Democracy, Can They Co-exist?’ (2006), 120–124.
Ibingira, G. S. K. The Forging of an African Nation: The Political and Constitutional Evolution of Uganda from Colonial Rule to Independence, 1894–1962 (Viking Adult, 1973).
Jackson, R. H., Jackson, R. H., and Rosberg, C. G. Personal Rule in Black Africa: Prince, Autocrat, Prophet, Tyrant (London: University of California Press, 1982).
Keese, A. ‘Understanding Colonial Chieftaincy from Its Final Phase: Responses to the Crisis of an Institution in French-Ruled West Africa and Beyond, 1944–1960’, Africana Studia 15 (2010), 11–28.
Kumar, D. ‘Proximate Causes of Conflict in Nepal’, Contributions to Nepalese Studies, 32, 1 (2005), 51–92.
Kuper, H. Sobhuza II Ngwenyama and King of Swaziland: The Story of an Hereditary Ruler and His Country (London: Gerald Duckworth and Co. Ltd., 1978).
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Macmillan, H. ‘Swaziland: Decolonization and Triumph of “Tradition”’, Journal of Modern African Studies, 23, 4 (1985), 643–666.
Maseko, T. ‘The Drafting of the Constitution of Swaziland, 2005’, African Human Rights Law Journal (2005), 312–363.
Masuku, B., and Limb, P. ‘Swaziland: The Struggle for Political Freedom and Democracy’, Review of African Political Economy, 43, 149 (2016), 518–527.
Matlosa, K. ‘Democracy and Conflict in Post-apartheid Southern Africa: Dilemmas of Social Change in Small States’, International Affairs, 74, 2 (1998), 319–337.
Maxon, R. M. Kenya’s Independence Constitution: Constitution-Making and End of Empire (Fairleigh Dickinson, 2011).
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Menkhaus, K. Somalia: State Collapse and the Threat of Terrorism (Routledge, 2013).
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Motsamai, D. ‘Swaziland’s Non-Party Political System and the 2013 Tinkhundla Elections Breaking the SADC Impasse?’, Africa Portal (2012).
Mthembu, M. V. ‘Participation of Swazi Women in the Traditional Public Sphere, Sibaya, in the Kingdom of Swaziland’, Communicare: Journal for Communication Sciences in Southern Africa, 37, 1 (2018), 74–93.
Mullins, C. W., and Rothe, D. L. ‘Gold, Diamonds and Blood: International State-Corporate Crime in the Democratic Republic of the Congo’, Contemporary Justice Review, 11, 2 (2008), 81–99.
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Protzel, J. ‘Changing Political Cultures and Media Under Globalism in Latin America’, Democratising Global Media: One World, Many Struggles (2005), 101–120.
Rathbone, R. ‘Kwame Nkruma and the Chiefs: The Fate of “Natural Rulers” Under Nationalist Governments’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 10 (2000), 45–63.
Ray, D. I. ‘Divided Sovereignty: Traditional Authority and the State in Ghana’, The Journal of Legal Pluralism and Unofficial Law, 28, 37–38 (1996), 181–202.
Sampford, C. ‘Making Coups History’, World Politics Review, 22 (2010), 1–10.
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Tosh, J. The Pursuit of History (London: Longman, 1991), 37–38.
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News Channels
News24, ‘eSwatini, Africa’s Last Absolute Monarchy’, September 19, 2018.
Reuters, ‘Africa’s Last Absolute Monarch Renames Swaziland as “eSwatini”’, Mbabane, April 19, 2018.
Seminar Papers
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Sikhondze, B. A. B. ‘Factors That Have Stalled Efforts Towards a Constitution in Swaziland, 1970s to 2003: A Constitutional History’, Paper presented for a Workshop of the Swaziland OSSREA Chapter, November 27, 2003.
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CNN, April 21, 2018 … The king of Swaziland, Africa’s last absolute monarch, has changed the name of his country to the “Kingdom of eSwatini” to mark the 50th (Source Alain Vicky, ‘Africa’s Last Absolute Monarchy’, Le Monde diplomatique, mondediplo.com/2018/10/10swaziland, September 3, 2018).
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Dlamini, H.P. (2019). Introduction. In: A Constitutional History of the Kingdom of Eswatini (Swaziland), 1960–1982. African Histories and Modernities. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-24777-5_1
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