Abstract
In addition to ritual and ludic performers, there is another real-time human who may be deeply touched by transformation: the hunter. In the setting of certain hunting modes and at certain moments of the hunt, a San hunter—as preindustrial hunters elsewhere in the world—may engage with this prey animal in terms of sympathy and intersubjectivity. Moreover, his use of “hunting medicines” made from animal substances that are rubbed into cuts in his skin, and the employment of animal disguises, especially the wearing of animal skins, too, may contribute towards a hunter’s becoming-animal sense. It is also noted that neither all hunting contains these supererogatory elements nor all hunters feel sympathetically attuned to or ontologically linked with them, caveats that compound people’s ambivalence and ambiguity about the human-animal connection.
In … merging somatically with the animal as the hunter “runs its track” and mentally as he looks into its eyes after it has stopped running, eyes that reflect the hunter and that “are no longer wild”, identity and otherness of the human and other-than-human dissolve into each other.
Guenther ( 2017 : 4)
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07 December 2019
This book was inadvertently published with few errors which has been corrected now.
Notes
- 1.
Having described the relational dynamics of San hunting in some detail elsewhere, in the above-mentioned article (2017: 4–6, 10–11; see also Guenther 2015: 293–98, 1999: 72–76, 1988), I will here limit myself to recapitulating the main points from these other discussions which the reader can refer to for elaboration. Moreover, I will expand on, or add some further points these discussions have dealt with only tangentially or not at all. In this I also draw on James Suzman’s discussion of “hunting and empathy”, which appears as a chapter (2017: 161–74) in his recent book on the lifeways of traditional and contemporary ≠Au//eisi Ju/’hoansi in the Omaheke region of eastern Namibia and is couched in terms of intersubjectivity and relationality.
- 2.
This hunting method was made famous by John Marshall’s classic film—a North American intro anthro classes’ staple—“The Hunters”, which chronicles a protracted giraffe hunt by a handful of Ju/’hoan hunters. For accounts of this method of San hunting (along with others), see Schapera (1930: 132–5), Marshall (1976: 134–8), Lee (1979: 214–9, 2003: 48–51) and Silberbauer (1981: 208–14). For an account that also includes the element of sympathy see Suzman (2017: 161–74).
- 3.
In a recent study on the origins of hunting, the American evolutionary anthropologist Travis Pickering considers the sort of hunting the San practice, which he calls “ambush hunting” (2013: 100–2, 156–7). He traces the same back to Homo erectus horizons and deems it a “milestone” event in human evolution for its “decoupling of predation from aggression”. He sees this stemming from a new hunting technology, projectile weapons (spears, atlatls and, later on, bows and arrows), that allow hunters to dispatch animals from a distance rather than at close range, in “hand-to-hand combat”. Instead of impulse and affect—“raw emotion”—the hunter’s stance towards the prey animal, argues Pickering, changed significantly. It became marked with restraint and reflection (ibid.: 104–5)—providing, it might be argued, the basis for a mindset capable of entertaining notions of sympathetic engagement with a hunter’s quarry.
- 4.
An ethnographic film on this hunting method, by !Xo hunters, is available as well: “The Great Dance: A Hunter’s Story” (2000), by the South African documentary filmmakers Craig and Damon Foster. The film complements Liebenberg’s Current Anthropology article on the subject (2006), featuring some of the same hunts and hunters the author features in his article. The very same hunters are featured in the film clip “The Persistence Hunt” which is part of David Attenborough’s “life of Mammals” television series (BBC Worldwide 2003).
- 5.
The Naro have much the same concept, transcribed as nqàre (n!àre) in Hessel Visser’s Naro Dictionary and glossed as “‘expect’(something to happen) Example: khóè nerko nqare, dao qgomrko: I expect people to come, it is itching” (Visser 1997: 34).
- 6.
To such an extent that the human connected to the rain would engage in conversation with the same, as the Namibian Hai//om healer Alfons /Gao-doseb, who, taking shelter from a thunderstorm in his hut, might be told by the rain that “she would get me out from there. She further said, if her time was ready, she would start to work with me. We understand each other. I you belong to her she will tell you everything that she will do with you” (Le Roux and White 2004: 118). On the personification of the rain, among the /Xam, as a gendered being, appearing either as male or female, with hair and legs, likes and dislikes, sentience and emotions—one of them “quick to take offence”—see Vinnicombe (2001: 332).
- 7.
Manuel De Prada-Samper argues that a more appropriate gloss for !gwe is “pictures” and thereby links /Xam presentiments to rock art (2014). So glossed, as something that is not only felt but also seen, and representable, as well as valorized, through painted or engraved images, presentiments become all the more direct and accessible, as well as salient when they are experienced.
- 8.
In another lengthy //Kabbo narrative (Lewis-Williams 2000: 52–77), we learn that springbok hunting was a prominent subsistence activity in the life of this narrator and his people. He provides a detailed account of one of their group springbok hunts, consisting of young people running behind and beside the springbok herd and driving the animals towards the hunters.
- 9.
At this point in the narrative //Kabbo offers an explanation (entered as a footnote in the text)—“a black stripe that comes down in the centre of the forehead, and terminates at the end of the nose”—that clarifies a detail on the mechanics of this ontological transference of the springbok’s identity traits to the hunter attuned to the springbok’s tappings.
- 10.
The Danish-Norwegian anthropologist Thea Skaanes has recently described eland hunting among the Hadza of Tanzania in much the same relational-ontological terms. The eland appears to be, for the Hadza, the same bon à penser as that animal is for San and hunted in like sympathy-informed fashion (Skaanes 2017a: 212–13, 2017b: 177–84). Relationality is seen to be reflexive and somatically expressed when the hunters, on the basis of clues they gain from the eland’s spoor, carry out the same actions the eland did at the same spot hours earlier.
They do not speak, only whisper. They get up and walk and walk. The eland was tired because of the poison that was killing it. It stood still to rest. Where the eland rested the old men will rest. And smoke. Twice. And walk again. Three times. The older men will say: ‘Now it will die.’ They get up: they will see it. (Skaanes 2017a: 213)
- 11.
- 12.
A brief account of a persistence hunt for springbok is given by //Kabbo’s son-in-law /Han≠kasso (Bleek and Lloyd 1911: 387–9).
- 13.
Indeed, as suggested by Harvard evolutionary biologist Daniel Lieberman in an interview with Scientific American science writer Thea Singer, the connection between endurance running and dancing is even more basic, experienced not only neuro-psychologically, as suggested by Rusch in the context of endurance hunting (see also Ijäs 2017: 33–4, 105–9, 117–31 and Bramble and Lieberman 2004), but also motor-physically, with two million years-deep roots in our species’s evolutionary past. It is an “outgrowth” of endurance running, in a certain manner of “coordinated movement of torso and limbs” that, Lieberman suggests, “could have grown out of our ability to run—as opposed to just walk—on two legs” (Singer 2017: 70).
- 14.
The severe heat stress on the chased animal’s feet due to the extreme temperatures of the sand in the summer months was noted by Wikar as the decisive factor in bringing down steenbok when they were hunted by the /Xam of the Northern Cape. After the third or fourth chase along the spoor of the targeted buck, with intervals in-between where the hunter might rests in the shade of a bush “for as long as it takes to smoke a pipe”, “you can catch it with the hand as it jumps up—then its feet are burnt through”. This mode of persistence hunting, noted Wikar, “is the regular custom of the Bushmen of the plains in the hot season” (Wikar 1935: 175, quoted in Iläs 2017: 115).
- 15.
- 16.
For a stinging critical discussion of the latter account, which includes the suggestion that the hunt was staged and not representative of how !Kõ would hunt today, see Pickering (2013: 99–102, 156–7).
- 17.
These accounts can be supplemented with similar information among Ju/’hoansi, who continued with such supererogatory hunting practices into the 1950s and 1960s (Marshall 1999: 157–60).
- 18.
My impression here, about confident hunters, is borne out by both my reading of early and contemporary San ethnography and by my own field work among the Ghanzi farm San. This admittedly was limited—a couple of hunts I participated in and conversations with hunters setting out on and returning from hunts—and not representative of San traditional lifeways.
- 19.
Sahlins (1972: 2); see Suzman (2017) for a recent re-consideration of past and present San lifeways and socio-economic conditions in terms of Sahlin’s classic portrayal of the “stone age economics” of immediate return hunter-gatherers.
- 20.
The “charms” of /Xam shamans and hunters, some of which comprised animal parts such as hartebeest hooves, baboon hair, burnt “snake powder”—may also have connected the owner mysto-physically—through Frazer’s “law of contagion”—to an animal, as a source of potency or to secure luck in hunting or ward off danger (Lewis-Williams 2015a: 70–1). See also Biesele (1993: 94) on the use of animal materials in ritual context by Ju/’hoansi.
- 21.
Oswin Köhler some years later described such a hunt among the Kxoe of north-eastern Namibia (1973), a complicated ritual several days in duration, Kxoe hunters carry out, for large game, after a succession of failed hunts (“when hunters find only animal tracks but no animals”). It is a propitiatory rite, Köhler contends, addressed through prayer and dance to Kxyani (the Kxoe god), along with //awa, who is asked to mediate. With the exception of a somewhat similar account from Gusinde among the !Kung of north-eastern Namibia (1966: 30–2), I am unaware of this kind of hunting among San, whose hunts seems to be carried out on a “profane” footing, albeit not without a varying dose of mytho-magical, somato-mystical elements.
- 22.
As noted by literary critic of Afrikaner literature Helize van Vuuren in her recent work on the San (specifically /Xam) impact on Afrikaans literature, Gideon von Wielligh, author of the popular Boesman-stories, also repeatedly mentions such an item—“bekruipmusse” (“stalking caps”)—made from the dried head and neck of an ostrich, in the context of stories he obtained from Afrikaans-speaking /Xam descendants he interviewed in the late nineteenth through early twentieth century. Van Vuuren notes that this is an “unusual Afrikaans word” applied to an item of the people’s material culture from “long forgotten indigenous knowledge” (2016: 70).
- 23.
Given this evidence, Wilmsen’s categorical statement—“this so-called hunting method should be considered to be nonexistent” (1997: 177, footnote 143)—is not tenable.
- 24.
Passarge reports that, despite repeated questioning of San informants in the Middle-Kalahari, not a single person knew anything about it. One had heard about such a practice amongst Khoe Khoe in Damaraland to the west (1906: 77–8).
- 25.
- 26.
Being closely similar in its details to Hahn’s description a generation earlier (first epigraph), Kaufmann’s source for this detailed information might have been this writer’s published article, readily accessible in the widely read monthly Globus, a popular item in the early colonial literature. This surmise is supported by Kaufmann’s statement that he had never himself actually seen such ostrich costumes, which were described to him by his San informants “with such accuracy that I cannot doubt that they knew how to make the same” (ibid.). Nolte’s description of the ostrich disguise hunt of southern Kalahari San, whom he visited in 1881 (Richters 1886: 79–81), is so similar to Hahn’s as to suggest borrowing from same source. Nolte description this style of ostrich hunting is second-hand, as opposed to ostrich hunting from horseback, which he appears to have witnessed (ibid.: 80). Hahn’s account, in turn, is similar in some details to a yet earlier, and seemingly original source, based, in part, on first-hand observation, namely Moffatt (1844: 53; see Dowson et al. 1994: 13–4). Dowson, Tobias and Lewis-Williams examine 11 of the early accounts, in an effort to separate first-hand from the more prevalent second-hand descriptions (or “borrowings”), with reference to Stow’s “blue ostriches” painting (Fig. 7.3) which, the authors conclude, is itself “part of an intricate web of ‘borrowing’, a kind of pictorial paraphrase” (1994: 33). Yet, as noted above, they do also authenticate some first-hand accounts of this ostrich hunting practice. While the practice evidently did exist in the past, this did not warrant its depiction by South West Africa’s postal service in the 1970s on a national stamp series that, along with other primordialist culture tableaux, showcased the country’s “Bushmen” (Fig. 7.6).
- 27.
This observation about the limited efficiency of San animal skin processing is at odds with another colonial source, namely Burchell who describes in detail the animal skin processing techniques of southern San (1824: 590–2), producing karosses, of even large antelopes, that were soft and “exceedingly pliable” (ibid.: 591). Ethnographic accounts on recent San groups, too, describe such techniques (e.g. Lee 1979: 124; Silberbauer 1981: 223–4; Le Roux and White 2004: 82–5).
- 28.
This sort of ontological, human-animal identity transference, proposes archaeologist Maria Viestad in her fascinating recent study of Bushman dress, can be seen as one of the principal “embedded properties of clothing” (2018: 148), specifically, in the case of the San and other hunting people, skin clothing. San dress, Viestad argues, through its “bodily practice” and as an “embodied practice of social relations between humans, animals and other powerful beings of the Bushman world”, “incorporates the perspective of others”, citing the example of /Xam shamans’ employment of springbok skin caps “to make the springbok follow him/her” (ibid.: 24; see also McGranaghan and Challis 2016: 591–2). Much the same idea was contained, in nascent form, in an essay by Pippa Skotnes’s two-and-a-half decades back in which it is argued, in the context of a critique of the explanatory monopoly of the trance thesis, that animal skins, from such animals as cheetah, leopard, cat, dassie, jackal, as well as eared springbok caps, worn by dancers conferred to them varying measures of identification with the animal (1990: 20).
- 29.
As remarked by Michael Jackson and Albert Piette, in their critical remarks on the “ontological turn” in anthropology (specifically as per Vivieros de Castro’s perspectivism), it is not possible to “infer individual experience from collective representations, ideologies, mythologies, and cosmologies” (2015: 20). Instead, world view shapes the consciousness of individuals each in her or his own way, in terms of their inner “self-state” (pace William James).
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Guenther, M. (2020). Transformation and Hunting. In: Human-Animal Relationships in San and Hunter-Gatherer Cosmology, Volume I. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-21182-0_7
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