Abstract
This and the remaining two chapters deal with transformation as it occurs to humans in the Second Order of Existence, in the contexts, respectively, of ritual, ludic dancing and hunting. Chapter 5 considers humans—of both genders and generations, men and women, girls and boys—in ritual and liminal moments during the trance dance and initiation rite, when, who and what they are undergoes alteration and transition and through it different forms and degrees of transformation. Once again, we meet the lion—the trance dancer’s primary animal avatar, as well as the ubiquitous, myth- and meat-laden eland, at the centre of initiation rites of both girls and boys, the transformed-into animal for both—as well as, in the case of the girls, attendants at the rite, through the kinaesthetic effects of the pan-San eland dance.
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07 December 2019
This book was inadvertently published with few errors which has been corrected now.
Notes
- 1.
!kia and n/om (or n/um) are Ju/’hoan terms, having first been described in the context of these San people (Lee 1968; Marshall 1969, 1999: 39–90; Katz 1976, 1982). They have since assumed a certain generic status, as analytical terms to designate a feature of San supernaturalism that is found in different forms and with different vernacular designations amongst most if not all San groups. Ubiquity is matched by antiquity: depictions of what appears to be trance dancing are found on ancient rock art scenes. As the matter is somewhat ancillary to this book, I will not deal with the symbolic, mythological, ritual and experiential aspects of these two key ingredients of San trance dancing, as well as the connection between them but refer the reader to the sources cited in the footnote above in which these elements are discussed in detail (most extensively in Katz 1976). More recent accounts, couched in New Age’ish phenomenological terms, of trance curing, again among the Ju/’hoansi, are offered by the anthropologist-cum-“creative therapist” Bradford Keeney (1999 and; with Hilary Keeney, 2015).
- 2.
Some anthropologists have tried their hands at the experience, most notably Bradford Keeney, who, in his own trance curing, reports that, in addition to experiencing altered states of consciousness he also experienced the lion transformation, as a “visionary occurrence” (Keeney and Keeney 2015: 151). At least two other anthropologists—from more conventional theoretical and methodological quarters including cultural-materialist ones—have experienced animal transformation (albeit not into lions), as well as altered states. An example for the latter is the consummate ecological empiricist Jiro Tanaka who participated in a //Gana gemsbok dance to such a degree of absorption that he reportedly found himself “melt [ing] away into the other world as he emulated the game animal by voicing deep grunts” and kinaesthetically miming the animal’s actions “with rapid arm movements and stomps” (1996: 27, note 2). In a similar vein Richard Lee makes mention of his “one attempt to enter !kia”, noting his struggle, physically and psychologically, with its aspects of “physical exertion” and “acute fear of loss of control” (2003: 133). Lee’s fascinating account is tantalizingly brief and it is not stated how far into trance he was able to get, given these obstacles, and whether transformation was an element of his experience, specifically its aspect of fear and loss of control.
- 3.
One of them is in Bleek’s Reynard the Fox in South Africa (1864: 57–8). His source was /Akunta, a Khoe-speaking /Xam informant to whom Bleek had dictated the story which he had himself obtained from Alexander through another Khoe source (Bleek 1864: 52–8). The latter was Captain James Alexander, who had obtained the story from his Khoisan guide when travelling to the Orange River in 1837 (1838: 197–8; see also Deacon 1994: 249).
- 4.
Because what I observed is the closest I ever came to a “real” rather than related lion transformation in my own field work, and because it appears, as far as I am aware, to be the only first-hand description in the ethnographic literature, I provide an account of this event, excerpted in unedited form from my field notes (see Appendix 1). Apart from its intrinsic ethnographic significance, this account is germane to the theme of this book and thus instructive in its full-length rendition. For the same reason I include (with the author’s permission) another “empirical” animal transformation account, into a baboon, which was observed by my colleague Renée Sylvain among ≠Au//eisi in the Omaheke in neighbouring Namibia some 20 years later (see Appendix 2).
- 5.
While witchcraft and sorcery have become practices that affect San people and that some of them practice in their own fashion, the Ghanzi San told me that this matter is not “a Bushman thing” (Guenther 1992; see also Marshall 1999: 233). Like other regions of southern Africa, now and in the past centuries and millennia back, Ghanzi is ethnically pluralistic, and Bantu-speaking peoples are close neighbours with whom San interact extensively (including intermarriage). One of their acculturative acquisitions is witchcraft and sorcery, which San, especially their healers, have learned to accommodate themselves to and cope with, in part by integrating certain supernatural and mystical concepts—one of them animal transformation (Jolly 2002: 90)—into their own cosmology (Guenther 1986: 60–1, 1992; Lee 2003: 137–40).
- 6.
Marshall notes that today such accoutrements are used by Ju/’hoan dancers “only for adornment”, a surmise I would agree with on the basis of my own observations among Ghanzi San. Equally, I would agree with her caveat that in the past “there might have been some significance in the use of these objects”, especially when considered in the light of /Xam ethnography and southern San rock art that suggests that the use of ritual accoutrements by dancers, in both ritual and ludic contexts, might have connected them ontologically to the animal. I deal with this matter in the next chapter.
- 7.
In Namibian archaeologist John Kinahan’s sample of the rock art of the shelters and boulders of the Brandberg’s Hungorob ravine giraffes were the most commonly depicted and most widely distributed animal species. Springbok and gemsbok ranked second and third, respectively, with eland, kudu and lion, as well as therianthropes, sharing third place. The most frequent and widely distributed subject at the Brandberg were humans (Kinahan 1991: 20).
- 8.
That this sort of penchant may be seen also in the odd person within one’s own community—for which the above-noted cultural stereotype may serve some of its members as an explanatory device—became revealed to me in a fascinating account my colleague Renée Sylvain related to me of an event she witnessed during her field work among the ≠Au//eisi of the Omaheke in eastern Namibia in 1996. It was about just such a person, an ≠Au//ei man named Oba who displayed the peculiar behaviour of evidently undergoing physical and mental transformation into an animal, in the light of day surrounded by people who watch his frenzied, seemingly obsessive zoomorphic transformation with dismay and puzzlement. The animal this farm Bushman—who was not a shaman—transformed into was a baboon. His apparent metamorphosis is insightfully described by Sylvain in her field notes (see Appendix 2 for the relevant excerpt). The details are graphic and gripping: “fully a baboon now … loped across the veld, bounding up trees … knuckle-running”. And when just then a real baboon appeared running across the scene a mytho-magical moment became added to the unfolding drama, giving it extra poignancy and realism, and intensifying the consternation of people as they watch and try to deal with what they see transpiring. To what extent the ≠Au//ei man’s behaviour is in fact anything like an “obsession” in any clinical sense—some sort of psychosis? An epileptic seizure? And, if so, might the same be linked to the prevalence and pervasiveness of transformation in his culture’s world view? All these are questions, from a discourse and paradigm, culture and personality no longer current, that I lack the data and expertise to consider. I like the “psychological” explanation for Oba’s penchant for baboon-morphing suggested by Sylvain: that “communicating psychological distress engages the expressive resources the Bushman culture offers—and so Oba turned himself into a baboon. Who could blame him? Life as a human hasn’t proven to be such hot shit so far.” All this resonates with the life situation of Ghanzi farm Bushmen when I did my major field work in the late 1960s, especially the last bit: the term in general use when referring to life on the farms was “sheta”—a regional Naro and ≠Au//ei neologism derived from the English “shit” (Guenther 1986: 50).
- 9.
Starting with the Victorian Andrew Lang who, in his discussion of the Cape and Maluti /Xam (1901: 34–40), dwelled on Bushman mythology, specifically its “peculiarity … the almost absolute predominance of animals” (ibid: 38) and its extensive anthropomorphization of the same. This, to Lang, exemplified, “the eternal confusion of savage thought” (ibid.: 37), a key notion of the Early Animists. It was a notion about Bushman myth and world view that was re-echoed in some of the early Bushman ethnography. One such ethnographer was Viktor Lebzelter who, in his account of religious beliefs and practices of (unspecified) northern Kalahari San groups, reports them to “believe that humans and animals are able to change one into another … and [that] many animals are held to be different outward manifestations (Erscheinungsformen) of humans” (1934: 64). It is not clear whether this statement is based on Lebzelter’s own field work or derived from Dornan, who reports much the same information, couched explicitly in terms of Old Animism-style “transmigration” in his ethnography on the Masarwa of north-eastern Bechuanaland (1925: 152). In elaborating on his own information Lebzelter cites Dornan, all of it drawing Bushmen into the Old Animism discourse.
- 10.
Contra B. and H. Keeney see Ju/’hoan initiation rites, especially the menarcheal rite, as a key “contextual frame” for initiands’ and participants’ “re-entry into First Creation”, for spiritual and physical revitalization and to recharge n/om (2013: 71–75, 2015: 135–39, 186, 203–4). The Keeneys’ take on the matter is backed up with commentaries from San informants that suggest people’s explicit awareness of this instance of myth-reality intersection.
- 11.
Or dùù gxoo, eland bull (Lawy 2016: 239), semantically emphasizing the maleness of the eland at Naro female initiation. As already noted, this is one of a number of rite’s liminal aspects—gender inversion—which I have discussed elsewhere (Guenther 1999: 174–5; see also Marshall 1999: 197, for a discussion of why among the Ju/’hoansi it is not an eland bull dance, as “male participation in the dance is not absolutely essential to the ritual”). I note, as before, that in the Naro language dùù is the word also for rain, pointing to what is likely a pan-San association; for instance, among the /Xam, where, as discussed above, the eland is one of the rain divinity !Khwa’s incarnations. Like the Kalahari eland, the Karoo !Khwa is a strong presence also at the menarcheal rite. The association of the eland with n/om that was discussed earlier is also direct in the Naro instance: there are two dùù dances, one at menarche and the other at a trance healing dance.
- 12.
One of the three such figures depicted by Vinnicombe (Fig. 87c) she deems “clearly male”. Like Jolly, Carolyn Thorp (2013) regards them as female figures, in an initiation setting; however, the animal change undergone by the girl initiand is into a frog from its tadpole phase, symbolizing transition, metamorphosis and danger, as well as rain and hunting.
- 13.
See also Keeney and Keeney (2015: 126), who report that eland designs, resembling the animal’s red forehead tufts, are painted on the Ju/’hoan girl’s forehead and cheek. Ju/’hoan girls were painted with animal patterns also outside the menarcheal ritual context, for aesthetic rather than ritual considerations, as described by a Ju/’hoan woman to her interlocutors, during an interview about the old days: “The San used to make marks on the skin to look like a zebra because of its beauty. We started from the face down to the legs. They also did the same thing with beads, especially when they made rings and belts and the band used for the head” (Le Roux and White 2004: 85).
- 14.
See Vol. II, Chap. 2.
- 15.
There are very few first-hand descriptions of the San menarcheal rite. An early description (that includes a valuable photograph) is by Siegfried Passarge, among the Ghanzi //Aikwe (1907: 101–3). Lorna Marshall’s detailed account (1999: 287–301) among the Ju/’hoansi is based not on actual observations but on reports that Marshall collected from Ju/’hoan women, and an eland dance some Nharo informants “acted out” for the Marshalls. For ethnographic accounts of the rite among the Kalahari /Gwi and !Kõ, see Silberbauer (1963) and Heinz (1994: 121–6), respectively. Schapera’s account in his 1930 classic The Khoisan Peoples of South Africa (pp. 118–22) is a summary of the early ethnographic literature on the topic.
- 16.
See also Bleek (1928: 23–5) and Barnard (1980) for descriptions of the Naro case. Heinz (1994: 126–31) and Marshall (1999: 153–6, 203–20; see also Lee 1979: 238–40) have presented accounts of the !Kõ and Ju/’hoan cases, respectively. Schapera presents a summation of early ethnographic accounts from the colonial literature (1930: 122–6). Lewis-Williams and Biesele combine contemporary with historical ethnographic sources in a fascinating comparative paper of the rite among the /Xam and Ju/’hoansi (1978), the latter information elicited in part by the two researchers by posing to them questions about the male rite they drew from the Bleek/Lloyd archive.
- 17.
/Ti!kay’s father orchestrated his son’s First Kill rite after the latter had just shot the wildebeest with one of his father’s arrows. He participated in the rite as one of the elders, administrating the medicinal cuts to the boy. Marshall identifies the father as Khan//a, along with his home village, Kai Kai. Lewis-Williams and Biesele’s key informant, Kan//a, was from the same village and, at the approximate age of 65 at the time of the study. It would be informative to know if this was he the same man as /Ti!kay’s father, in Marshall’s study a couple of decades earlier. This would be an interesting and serendipitous coincidence of information, on inter-generational transmission of culture, from two separate ethnographic studies complementing each other. It also gives poignancy to more recent ethnographers’ reports about male initiation rites having all but disappeared among contemporary San, two to three generations after these studies.
- 18.
However, it was used also by the /Xam, and actual specimens of bullroarers were obtained from them by Bleek (Rusch 2017).
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Guenther, M. (2020). Transformation in Ritual. In: Human-Animal Relationships in San and Hunter-Gatherer Cosmology, Volume I. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-21182-0_5
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