Abstract
The therianthropes of myth and their ontologically unstable, at times, dazzling transformations are motifs not only of San mythology but also of art, the subject matter of Chap. 4. Therianthropes display ontological ambiguity to the greatest degree—of flamboyance, profusion and diversity—in San rock art and in a fashion that in some ways is different from how these beings appear in myths. This raises the question, much debated by writers in the field, whether the were-beings on the rock panels are in fact the First Race of Myth Time and if not (the general consensus, more or less) what the connection between the two might be. While basically moot, as the question cannot be posed to the artists who painted centuries in the past, it is part of the examination of the therianthrope motif in contemporary San, the second component of Chap. 4. This art is examined in the context primarily of the Naro and ≠Au//ei artists at the Kuru Art project at the village of Dekar in western Botswana, on the basis of field work I conducted on this project in the mid-1990s. The art of two of the artists—Dada and Qwaa, their artist’s pseudonyms—is highlighted as it is informed with transformation, expressing the same in different ways, ranging from flashy to subtle. In examining how transformations are worked out in images by these two present-day artists, and their own commentaries on them, the images created by (pre)historic San artists—some of them painting in colonial times and within similar life situations and a shared universe of belief—may become somewhat more fathomable.
Some very curious ideas, possessed by the Bushmen, which would probably otherwise not have come to light at all, have become known to us in the course of their [San rock art researchers] endeavors.
Lloyd ( 1889 : 28)
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Notes
- 1.
As Paul Shepard puts the point, in the context of the metamorphosis motif in Greek myth-stories and their representations on Renaissance paintings and engravings, “the artist has provided stills—which is the way we remember scenes, even of action—that represent transformation” (1978: 95).
- 2.
The last was a not uncommon human-animal conflation among San rock art painters in the South-eastern Cape, who had a long period of contact with Nguni and Sotho pastoralists. Their impact on the autochthonous San and their economy and society is reflected in the “contact art” of the region, which includes depictions of cattle and horses, as well as their conflation with humans and animals (Jolly 2015: 254–61). Horses were a prominent motif also for /Xam engravers in the Northern Cape (Skinner 2017).
- 3.
In an examination of this aspect of therianthropic beings, Paul Shepard suggests that those with animal heads and human torsos and legs tend to be found among hunting peoples, with roots deeply back into human prehistory (its exemplar the Trois-Frères Sorcerer in southern France). Animal-keeping people, on the other hand, tend to depict such hybrid beings as human-headed and animal-bodied (exemplified by the Egyptian sphinx and the Graeco-Roman Pan and centaurs). He explains this difference in terms of different valorizations in people’s cosmologies of animality and humanity. In the case of hunting peoples’ animals, powerful and dangerous creatures, humans identify with animals through the mind (=head) and connect with the animal’s spirit, gaining access to its power through the spirit of the animal rather than its body. Stock-keeping people, who have tamed animals and no longer draw on their power nor connect with their spirit, convey animality somatically and viscerally, as well as, in the case of Pan, libidinously (Shepard 1978: 96–7). The former, hunter’s animal depictions retain the animal’s autonomy of being while in the latter, the herders’ human-headed animals have reduced the same, through domestication.
- 4.
See Chap. 3, Vol. II.
- 5.
Given its inherent, anatomically conveyed ontological heterogeneity and ambiguity—“head of buffalo, body and tail of a horse, with legs of an antelope” (Lewis-Willimas 2015a: 134)—the Black Wildebeest offers itself up to the imagination of the therianthropically inclined artist (or story teller).
- 6.
The absence of actual depictions of mythic trickster beings does not mean that this being—a cognate in so many ways to the oft-depicted trance dancer (Guenther 1999: 4)—was not an implicit presence in San rock art. Getting his clue from an intriguing note he found in one of Dorothea Bleek’s notebooks on her 1911 journey to the Northern Cape to find descendants of her father’s and aunt’s /Xam informants stating that “/Kaggen makes the pictures”, Lewis-Williams explores this presence, on the basis of the proposition that “the shaman-painter was, as it were, ‘standing in’ for the Mantis” (2015a, b: 170).
- 7.
They were the subject of an exhibition, curated by Miklós Szalay (2002), at the University of Zurich’s Museum for Ethnology in 2002 and, in 2003, at the South African National Gallery, Iziko Museum, Cape Town.
- 8.
The artist at right is first-Dada’s cousin Coe’xae Bob, a fellow-artist.
- 9.
After their deaths biographical accounts were written on both of these artists, attesting to the significance of their work and its impact on both contemporary San art production and on current social, political and community issues, including San identity politics to which, in some instances, contemporary art is linked (Guenther 2006; Thomas 2016). On Dada see Golifer and Egner (2011), on Qwaa Guenther (1998).
- 10.
As reported in a fascinating paper on Ju/’hoansi dengo playing by Megan Biesele (1975) for some dengo players playing their instrument may be a means for going into trance. Her article features one such player, the Ju/’hoan shaman “Jack”. Biesele’s article invites comparison—and further field research—with players of the same instrument among the Shona of Zimbabwe, as per the account of Shona mbira (thumb piano) music making by ethnomusicologist Paul Berliner, who himself learned to play the instrument during his field work. Shona players reportedly use the instrument not merely as a means for producing musical sound but also, “animistically”, as a non-human musical partner with whom the player engages, reflexively, in a musical dialogue. So animated, with soul and creative agency, as partner in the player’s duet, the instrument is capable of evoking mythic time, of ancestors or recently departed relatives, all accompanied at times with intense emotions ranging from sadness to joy. Included on the played mbira’s emotional scale is a “state of consciousness transformed”—“like that of smoking marijuana”, a Shona informant explained to Berliner (1978: 133).
- 11.
Attesting to the wide inter-personal variability of San belief, Dada’s idea here seems somewhat at variance with what other Naro believe (Guenther 1999: 95–125).
- 12.
Most of San residents at D’Kar tended to conflate their traditional trickster figure with this figure (or, in some instances, even with “Jessu Kriste”) from Christian religion to whom they had been, or were being, introduced by the resident evangelist (Guenther 1997).
- 13.
This sort of image, a combination or conflation, or, most frequently juxtapositioning, of modern with traditional elements was one of this artist’s hallmark traits, giving his pictures both a post-modernist and, as I argue elsewhere, post-colonialist twist (Guenther 1998).
- 14.
Letters, as well as numbers, are occasionally used by this Kuru artist (as well as others) in this formal way, for their shape, as aesthetic embellishment.
- 15.
The painting is in rough condition because Dada used it as a floor mat in front of her house, to sit on in the sun, under the roof overhang’s shade. I found this to be the fate of a number of paintings Kuru artists had failed to sell, using them for their own practical purposes: the cotton duck canvas is well suited to the purpose Dada used it for. As well as for weather-proofing of draughty hut walls (Fig. 4.40). Yet another artistic intention!
- 16.
In 2018 a number of the Kuru artists, when asked by Maude Brown, the project coordinator, to produce a number of paintings on the theme of creation and Primal Times, painted pictures replete with transformation, on such primal matters as “all elephants derived from the elephant” and “when elephants were people”, as well as representations of therianthropic bucks, jackals, hares and birds (Chris Low, 3 May, 2018, pers. comm.).
- 17.
Interestingly, this recent study of contemporary San art, in terms of post-colonial and resistance theories, features Dada on its cover, squatting on the ground, at work on a painting set in front of her. Chapter five of Thomas’s book is on “resistance through self-representation”, with its primary focus on the Kuru art project (2016: 172–212).
- 18.
Or perhaps not: a recent study of the rock art of the Strandberg, /Xam-ka-!xoe’s prominent landmark, links its imagery (specifically horse depictions) to regional processes of identity negotiation amongst eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Khoesan and non-Khoesan indigenous and settler groups of the Northern Cape (Skinner 2017).
- 19.
My attempts to engage some of the Kuru artists in conversation about the deeper levels of meaning their pictures might hold for them resonated with what I subsequently read about a north-west American First Nation carver named No Bull—an appropriate name as shown in the following vignette (around which hangs the whiff of an ethnographic tall tale): Introduced at an exhibition to a visiting audience by a Western commentator steeped in Jungian and Christian symbolism and showered with probing questions and comments about the symbolic polyvocality and mystical depth of one of the artist’s fish carvings the carver is importuned to offer his own commentary on his carving. Standing up from his seat the No Bull steps forward, and pointing to the object, true to his name, offers the following commentary:
“This here”, said No Bull, pointing to the eye of the fish, “is the eye”. “And this, this here”, he said, indicating the fin, “is the fin”. “And this right here”, he concluded, tapping the tail, “is the tail.” Whereupon No Bull returned to his seat and sat down. (Berman 1999: 169)
- 20.
A recent study on the Kuru art project dwells on the story telling aspect of much of the Kuru pictures, about both ancestral myth and lore and events from the historical and recent past (van der Camp 2012). The link of pictures to stories is one of the key themes also in an exhibition and publication of South Africa-based !Xun and Khwe artists (Rabbethge-Schiller 2006).
- 21.
The question on the relationship between San rock art and myth, their convergences and divergences, has been widely discussed, especially in the /Xam context (Lewis-Williams (2015b), where a rich body of myth exists side-by-side with an even richer body of paintings and engravings. The myth-art connection has been examined either in general terms (e.g. see Guenther (1990, 1994; Deacon 1994, 2002; Lewis-Williams 2015a: 149–72)), or more specifically with respect to its certain myth motifs (e.g. see Eastwood and Eastwood 2006: 91–111; Mguni 2006, 2015), in the context of a polemic critique of the interpretive monopoly of the shamanic/trance hypothesis, principally between, respectively, Anne Solomon (1997, 1999, 2000, 2007, 2008) and David Lewis-Williams (1998, 1999). For an attempt to reconcile the two camps, some 25 years back when the debate was at its highest pitch, see Jolly (2002: 100–1).
- 22.
My field work with the Kuru artists bears out Katz’s impressions: of the dozen-plus artists I interviewed about their paintings and prints the most voluble were Qwa and Dada, both of whom were also, or had been, trance healers.
- 23.
Note here the Finnish visual artist and philosopher Mikko Ijäs, comments on art production, or “image making” (in his book on San mythology and rock art and its linkage to Altered States, especially as brought on by endurance hunting): “My experience as an artist has led me to believe that image-making might be seen as an action of the human body, a sort of complex co-action of the eye, hand and the whole body … a functional and perceptual activity.” Linking this somatic process of image-making to specifically to the San and hunting (and, by extension, trancing), Ijäs notes that “drawing employs the same physiological features that are used for throwing rocks, knives or javelins. Drawing is one of the simplest ways of understanding the functions and relations between our perception system and our own actions” (2017: 26, 23).
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Guenther, M. (2020). Therianthropes and Transformation in San Art. In: Human-Animal Relationships in San and Hunter-Gatherer Cosmology, Volume I. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-21182-0_4
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