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Conclusion and Notes on Comparative and Policy Perspectives on Party Proliferation in Africa

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Book cover Party Proliferation and Political Contestation in Africa

Part of the book series: Contemporary African Political Economy ((CONTAPE))

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Abstract

The book’s conclusion provides overarching insights on the relationship between parties and democratization in Senegal, reviewing the conclusions drawn in each preceding chapter. The conclusion places these insights from Senegal into comparative perspective, discussing where beyond Senegal it would be productive to explore the book’s hypotheses about party formation, opposition trajectories, ruling party loyalty, and presidential turnover. It also summarizes the policy implications of the research, describing how the book’s findings have the potential to enhance the approaches taken by domestic policymakers, foreign diplomats, and international development practitioners concerned with democracy, rule of law, and governance issues in countries like Senegal. Tying together various parts of the research, the conclusion then explains why party proliferation in Senegal has neither definitively fostered nor structurally impeded democratization. Policy measures aimed at helping Senegalese citizens use parties to get good governance outcomes will have to be not only politically smart and technically sound; they will also need to yield tangible progress on programmatic issues, as well as visible changes to the party system’s structure to win the “hearts and minds” of citizens disillusioned with the role of parties in personalistic, patronage-based politics.

The statements and analysis expressed are solely those of the author and have not been approved by the House of Delegates or the Board of Governors of the American Bar Association and do not represent the position or policy of the American Bar Association.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Many split from the former ruling party, the Alliance for Democracy in Mali (ADEMA), just as a variety of founders in Senegal were at some point officials within the PS.

  2. 2.

    Unlike several of these countries, Senegal met Sartori’s (1976) criteria of a dominant party regime in the early 1990s, in that the ruling PS had won at least 50% of the votes in the last three parliamentary elections as of 1993 (for more on the importance of this standard of dominance, see Doorenspleet and Nijzink 2013; Hartmann 2013). However, by this definition, the PS’s one-party dominance ended in 2001, when the PDS won a parliamentary majority for the first time. The decline of party dominance drastically reduced incentives for loyalty to the specific party in power because no single party was widely expected to continue controlling state resources indefinitely. These conditions also increased the viability of party switching and ruling party defection more generally as patronage-seeking strategies.

  3. 3.

    As shown by Bleck and Van de Walle (2011), African parties do not always lack policy-oriented or programmatic agendas; instead, the kinds of policies and programs that various parties promote tend to converge on “valence issues” that many different organizations espouse. Parties therefore are not easily differentiable by the policy or programmatic positions they take, even when they are engaged on policy and programmatic issues. This is a result of structural factors shaping African party systems that party-strengthening programs cannot change on their own, especially when those programs are not accompanied by fundamental changes in politicians’ political, economic, and social incentive structures within the existing distributive political framework.

  4. 4.

    Interview with Moustapha Niasse, 7/21/15, Dakar.

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Kelly, C.L. (2020). Conclusion and Notes on Comparative and Policy Perspectives on Party Proliferation in Africa. In: Party Proliferation and Political Contestation in Africa. Contemporary African Political Economy. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-19617-2_7

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