Abstract
The Italian south, the Mezzogiorno, is often described as being impervious to modernization, with an innate attitude of inertia and even illegality. Contrary to similar narrations, the chapter suggests that the south mirrors dynamics and organizational choices that pertain to the Italian State formation process. Since the Unity, the national division of labor and functions assigned precise roles to the southern areas of the country. The creation of a southern reserve labor army, the artificial production of new markets for the northern industry, and the early processes of tertiarization are examined into details. Within this historical framework, the chapter shows how the southern Italian cities, Messina included, intercepted such processes and adjusted accordingly, showing rationality rather than mere malfunctioning and backwardness.
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Notes
- 1.
- 2.
For Herzfeld (2005, p. 3), cultural intimacy is “the recognition of those aspects of a cultural identity that are considered a source of external embarrassment but that nevertheless provide insiders with their assurance of sociality, the familiarity with the bases of power that may at one moment assure the disenfranchised a degree of creative irreverence and at the next moment reinforce the effectiveness of intimidation. Cultural intimacy may erupt into public life. This can take the form of ostentatious displays of those alleged national traits—American folksiness, British ‘muddling through’, Greek mercantile craftiness and sexual predation, or Israeli bluntness, to name just a few—that offer citizens a sense of defiant pride in the face of a more formal or official morality and, sometimes, of official disapproval as well. These are the self-stereotypes that insiders express ostensibly at their own collective expense. Cultural intimacy comes from the tension created between stereotypes and strategies of representation”.
- 3.
Following Giddens (1990, p. 92), an event such as an earthquake undermines that “ontological security” of subjects, defined as “feelings of security” […] “refers to the confidence that most humans beings have in the continuity of their self-identity and in the constancy of the surrounding social and material environments of action. A sense of the reliability of persons and things, so central to the notion of trust, is basic to feelings of ontological security; hence the two are psychologically closely related. Ontological security has to do with ‘being’ or, in the terms of phenomenology, ‘being-in-the-world’. But it is an emotional, rather than a cognitive, phenomenon, and it is rooted in the unconscious”.
- 4.
On Sicilianity and Sicilianism, see Schneider and Schneider (1994) and the observations made by Herzfeld (2005, p. 17). It is enough to remember here that the strength of stereotypes as essentialist, naturalist representations of identity is also that of being flexible, modifiable, and adaptable to the context, and according to the needs of the politically manipulable identity. Thus, the role of the researcher should be that of trying to dismantle “the game of reciprocal and dual operations for the construction of stereotypes and metaphors of belonging, showing the use of real political and discursive contexts” in order to give a critical reading of the processes of identity definition (Palumbo 2001, p. 126).
- 5.
On shacks, suburbs, and Roma in recent Italian history, many of the observations expressed by Forgacs (2014) apply to the Messina case.
- 6.
Benedetto Croce suggests that this expression dates back to the fourteenth century and was used for the first time by Tuscan merchants visiting the city of Naples (Croce 2009, p. 13).
- 7.
These are the same stereotypical expressions used by the inhabitants of the city to describe the people living in the shantytowns in a Facebook page on the theme of rehousing, posted by the newly elected Mayor who, as soon as he took office, made several proposals for “reconstruction” and “rehousing”, soliciting collective discussion on social networking sites. The Facebook page has received over 20,000 “Likes” and there are more than 21,000 followers, and it reaches many different social levels.
- 8.
- 9.
As highlighted by Escobar (1984, p. 381), continuing the Foucaultian analysis of power, discourse, and knowledge, “the history of Western and, increasingly, non-Western societies […] is of a steady process of appropriation and consequent disposition of societal background practices, common social meanings and cultural contents through a series of discourses, institutions and practices—a process by which the material conditions of life and the unspoken mechanisms of culture are brought into the realm of explicit calculations and subjected to an infinite number of forms of power-knowledge”.
- 10.
The southern Italian regions of Campania, Basilicata, Calabria, Puglia Molise, Abruzzo, and the two islands—Sicily and Sardinia—have many internal differences, and it seems to be forcing the issue to analyze them as one single backward territory.
- 11.
The southern intellectuals, far from having a subaltern or marginal role, contributed (and contribute) to debate and policies, often overturning, in a positive way, the ambivalent stereotype of the “southerner” and the South. They contrasted the idea of the bad savage with that of the good savage, showing an atavistic South that was both natural and bucolic, the depositary of an ancient wisdom and particular spirit that represented the South as slowness, idleness, creativity, solidarity, and family ties that become virtues in comparison to the frenzy of modern life (Demarco 2009; Teti 2011). This sort of analysis was, however, caught in the trap of ahistorical essentialization.
- 12.
For an analysis of the dynamics behind the origins of international capitalism in Sicily, through supply chains that already existed during the fifteenth century, see, among others, Giarrizzo (1987, p. XLIX e ss.), Aymard (1987, pp. 5–40), and Morreale (2018); for Sicilian silk production: Laudani (1989); on the cultivation of citrus fruits Lupo (1984); for wheat, Aymard (1989); for sugar, Morreale (2006); and for sulphur, Blando (2009).
- 13.
Aymard (1989, p. 770), for example, highlights the fact that wheat was a speculative monoculture linked to foreign markets, and following the modification of the international market (and unable to compete with the amount produced), the wheat sector tended to move to transforming the product into pasta, and to other “new agricultural specializations that were more profitable, such as citrus production and vineyards, although still driven by a speculative logic in their relation to national and international markets” (ibid., p. 779).
- 14.
- 15.
- 16.
- 17.
There is a huge amount of literature on the transition from Fordism to post-Fordism. Among these, see Harvey (1989a); Mingione (1991); Jessop (1992); Amin (1994); on the processes of globalization and financialization from a critical point of view, the work of Harvey (2010, Chapter 1); Fumagalli and Mezzadra (2010); and in particular the essays by Marazzi (2010); Lucarelli (2010); Paulré (2010); and Vercellone (2010).
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Farinella, D., Saitta, P. (2019). History Seen Through the Slums: The Southern Question and the Current Crisis. In: The Endless Reconstruction and Modern Disasters. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-19361-4_3
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