Land Use Changes and Groundwater Overuse

Abstract

An increased depletion of natural resources, specifically in the semi-arid regions, both globally and domestically, has led to severe implications for the livelihoods of the local people. Locals have strategized over the years to cope up with the changed scenario i.e., from being resource-rich to being resource-scarce. This chapter focuses on land use change and implications for groundwater recharge and sustainability by capturing data through Geographical Information Systems (GIS). The study evidently indicates at unregulated groundwater exploitation, a huge drain on household savings, a forced cropping pattern shift from food grains to cash crops for easy cash flows, an inevitable out-migration in search of better jobs, in spite of an enormous increase in land prices. The chapter also highlights the coping mechanisms adopted by both the landholders and landless across the villages, on the one hand and on the other, how local households have continued to neglect the common property resources like water bodies and their importance and societal responses in this regard.

2.1 Background

Land cover refers to natural or artificial cover of the land surface, while land use is related to the management of ecosystems by human society. Land cover and land use are subject to change either by natural or anthropogenic causes and their change over space and time, if quantified provides facts on the changing environment (Hegde et al. 1994). Remote sensing, by virtue of its synoptic, multi-spectral coverage of landscape on a repetitive basis, provides spatial and temporal information about land use of a region and thus enables determining the changes over a period of time. Case studies have shown that satellite data could be used to assess the results of causative activities like major infrastructural projects, mining, river valley projects and urbanisation etc. (Hegde et al. 1994). Demand for land for different aspects of urbanisation and the need for sustaining drinking water supply for the growing population have been exerting a considerable stress on the surrounding landscape/ environment. Land use changes are mostly due to intensive human activities, which can be observed using current and archived remotely sensed data.

As discussed earlier, an exponential increase in the population growth in Bengaluru region has resulted in the increasing demands for land in the peri-urban areas of Bengaluru. Hoskote area on the outskirts of Bengaluru City has been one of regions experiencing change in land use from agriculture to non-agricultural use resulting in a decrease in vegetation and water bodies and thereby to depleting groundwater levels. A study was carried out to understand the present overlay of land use and land cover in Hoskote Taluk, Kasaba Hobli (Srimani and Nanditha Prasad 2013) focussing on the effectiveness of the satellite data for land use/land cover using multi-temporal images (Seasonal data). However, long-term changes in the landscape have not been attempted for the important peri-urban areas. Also, a few studies have been conducted with regard to groundwater which, in the recent years, has become the only source for varied requirements. The current chapter is based on a study (conducted in 2017) an attempt to analyse the land use changes and pressure on groundwater (in terms of the number of structures and their spatial distribution) under Jadigenehalli Gram Panchayat area. This would support the findings from the spatial data and also help have a better understanding of the field realities in terms of the implications of groundwater depletion and related issues. The chapter is also supported by earlier field level study (conducted in 2014) involving interviews with farmers living in the villages coming under Jadigenahalli Gram Panchayat.

2.2 Methodology

Input data/materials: (a) Survey of India Toposheet (1:50000) of 1973 edition; (b) Taluk Map of Hoskote Taluk (Survey Settlement and Land Records of Karnataka); (c) Multispectral satellite images available on Google Earth (2003, 2009, 2013 and 2017); (d) Field enumeration of wells.

Taluk map of Hosakote has been used to identify the villages of Jadigenahalli Gram Panchayat. The boundary of Jadigenahalli so derived has been registered with the topo sheet and further with satellite images for a proper land use analysis in a GIS environment.

2.2.1 Land Use Classes

A standard land use classification scheme adopted by NRSC (2014) for nationwide mapping has been followed. Land use derived from the topo sheet (1973) has been kept as reference base information. Although more resolved classes of land use could be derived from the interpretation of satellite images, for comparison purpose only a few have been retained. The land use features derived from images related to different years have been finalised based on the ground validation (ground truth). The land use information derived has been finally grouped under different classes as shown in Table 2.1.

Table 2.1 Land use/land cover schema adopted for Jadigenahalli

A standard reference signature (image characteristics) has been generated using images of different years so as to maintain consistency in the interpretation of different land use classes. The area of Tanks and forests (forest plantation) has been taken from the toposheet. On screen digitisation of different land use classes have been made and the data organised in a GIS environment. QGIS has been adopted to integrate the spatial information for different years and the area calculation done for a further change analysis.

2.2.2 Description of Land Use Classes

The built up land constitutes area used for general dwelling purposes and other uses covered with buildings is classified as Built up. In respect of Jadigenahalli, this includes village settlements, scattered buildings, poultry farms and industrial sheds/buildings. A few brick kilns have been observed and as they occupy a considerable area, a separate class has been derived and estimated. A substantial area has been converted into residential layouts in the recent years. Currently most of them have not been completely occupied. Under the Jadigenahalli Gram Panchayat, a certain area declared as forest land is currently occupied by eucalyptus plantations. Since there is a clear boundary demarcation (in the 1973 toposheet), it is considered as forest land. A huge area observed near Jadigenahalli is called Jadigenahalli Plantation in the revenue records. Under the Agriculture Land, two classes have been distinguished under this category. First one is normal crop land being cultivated in any one of the growing seasons with rainfall as a source of water and the second is agriculture plantation/garden, which is essentially a perennial type supported by groundwater. Water Bodies (Tanks), they have been grouped under this category. Although currently these tanks do not have appreciable water spread, the area taken from the toposheet of 1973 has been used as the reference point and based on the image characteristics; area of tanks has been derived. The image characteristics have been used for identifying areas that do not have any vegetative cover, exposing a rocky surface. At places, rock quarries have been created and these two have been clubbed as one class. Commercial Plantations have replaced most of the agricultural land. The images show distinctly these features and have been interpreted. The size and shape and tone are the key elements used for the interpretation of such plantations. There are others like, the areas occupied by stream courses, roads and scrublands (not used for agriculture) have been clubbed under this category.

2.2.3 Well Inventory

The Jadignehalli (composite of all the villages) map was converted in to geo-referenced tile map and was loaded on to Smartphone. An android application was developed to capture the coordinates of all the wells (both bore wells and open wells) and a few attributes. Ground validation staff carried the smart phone, traversing across all the villages and capturing a few attributes. Following were the attributes that could be captured:

• 1. Location of the structure

• 2. Depth of the structure (in case of an open well, it was measured and for bore well, the information was gathered from farmers who were available at the site)

• 3. Status of the structure – defunct or functional

• 4. Historical aspects – Year of drilling/ year of becoming defunct/ area irrigated: In most of the cases, the response was not available as all the farmers were not able to remember exactly the year of drilling and few were not available during the inventory

• 5. Yield – In most of the cases, only qualitative information was available and hence the information was used only for comments

The data was integrated with the GIS data of Jadigenahalli and the location of each well plotted. The spatial distribution map of wells with bore well depth variations was derived and plotted. Also a correlation of location of wells with land use category was also carried out.

2.3 Results

The land use data as well as the groundwater abstraction structures were organised on an open source GIS platform i.e., QGIS. Different layers for every land use classes were created and the area statistics generated. The results are presented in the following sections. The spatial data derived related to land use for different years is provided in Tables 2.2 and 2.3 and for 2017 (village wise) in 2.4. (see Annex 2.1, 2.2, 2.3, 2.4, 2.5 land use for each village and for the entire village council (Gram Panchayat)) (Table 2.4). The maps generated based on the interpretation of toposheet and satellite images are also presented in Figs. 2.1, 2.2, 2.3, 2.4, 2.5. Field photographs of different land use classes are shown in Plate 2.1, 2.2, 2.3, 2.4, 2.5, 2.6, 2.7, 2.8.

Table 2.2 Land use/land cover over the years in Jadigenahalli area in acres

Table 2.3 Land use pattern under Jadigenahalli gram panchayat: 1973–2017

Table 2.4 Current land use pattern (2017) under Jadigenahalli GP – % distribution of classes across villages

Fig. 2.1

Land use in Jadigenahalli during 1973

Fig. 2.2

Land use pattern under Jadigenahalli – 2003

Fig. 2.3

Land use pattern under Jadigenahalli – 2009

Fig. 2.4

Land use pattern under Jadigenahalli – 2013

Fig. 2.5

Land use pattern under Jadigenahalli – 2017

Plate 2.1

Brick kiln near Govindapura

Plate 2.2

Unoccupied residential layout near Kolathur

Plate 2.3

Eucalyptus plantation near Jadigenahalli (Forest Plantation)

Plate 2.4

Kharif crop (Ragi) near Vadigehalli

Plate 2.5

Grape garden near Jadigenahalli

Plate 2.6

Rocky area near Haralur

Plate 2.7

Eucalyptus plantation in agriculture land near Govindapura

Plate 2.8

Scrubland near Jadigenahalli

2.3.1 Land Use Changes

Analysis of the land use over the years is presented in the following sections

Built-up Land

As the population has increased, settlement area has also increased and hence, the area under built-up category has increased by almost four times as compared to 1973. However, a few industrial establishments have also come up along the road from Hosakote to Malur. As the city of Bengaluru started expanding, the NH leading to Kolar has been the loci of ribbon development and the same has reached Hosakote. The road leading to Malur also has been witnessing such developments. One can observe that the villages like Kolathur, Haralur, Jadigenahalli located along the Hosakote and Malur road have witnessed increased built-up lands.

As development activity has increased over the years, so has the need for building materials. The result is that around agricultural lands in the vicinity of villages and places near to tanks, brick kilns have come up. Also, the increased demand for residential areas at affordable cost has spread all around Bengaluru City. With transportation facility being improved, the demand for housing also has increased in the surrounding regions. An indication of such pressure is the development of new residential layouts. Real estate entrepreneurs have developed a substantial area as residential layouts under Jadigenahalli Gram Panchayat on the Hosakote to Malur road, though most of them have not been occupied. The new layouts have come up in Kolathur, Haralur, Jadigenahalli, Vadigehalli and to a small extent in Kurubara Gollahalli. It can be observed with the Hosakote – Malur Road passing through these villages, Haraluru and Kolathur has also witnessed the influence of National Highway leading to Kolar.

Forest Land

Excepting the notified forest (as per the toposheet of 1973), there appears to be no increment to the forest area. The Jadigenahalli Plantation and other few such forest lands have remained under eucalyptus plantations.

Agriculture Land

The statistics for different years on agricultural land indicates clearly that the focus on general crop cultivation has come to be replaced with eucalyptus plantations. The agricultural land (crop land and gardens/plantations), which was 3622.77 acres has declined to 1505.45 acres, almost by half over the years. The garden lands like grape and other agricultural plantations must have come up in between 1973 and 2003. However, it can be observed that these also have declined over time.

Agricultural Garden

Agricultural gardens could not be interpreted based on the toposheet of 1973. However, the satellite images have clearly indicated the presence of such features for the rest of the years. The area covered by agricultural gardens varies from less than 1% in Govindapura (2009) to 10.6% in Karibeeranahosahalli (2009). Kolathur village has more area under this category (more than 10% of the village area). Although a slight variation in the average percentage of area covered by agricultural gardens over the years has been observed, the trend indicates a slow reduction in the area.

Water Bodies

Most of the tanks in the area do not have water . It is only during rains that they are able to store local run-offs temporarily. During the field study, we observed most of the tanks being silted up, and as such, they are not providing their services to the local communities.

Rocky Area

The area under this class has been slowly increasing. At places mostly due to greater soil erosion, the rocky surfaces have been exposed with their being quarried for construction material at many places.

Commercial Plantation

During 1973, a very small area was under eucalyptus plantations as shown in the toposheet. Later on, there has been (during 1973–2003 i.e., almost 30 years) a gradual increase observed in the area under eucalyptus plantations as in other parts of the state. In view of a good demand from rayon industries, people are being attracted to this less labour intensive and maintenance free cultivation without understanding the implications for local climate and water resources. As of 2017, almost one third of Jadigenahalli GP area has been brought under eucalyptus. Almost all the villages have more than 30% of the area covered by eucalyptus with Govindapura recording the highest coverage at 59.1%, while Vadigehalli has only 6.5% of the area under eucalyptus.

During 1973, the area covered under eucalyptus was very less (6.4% in Kurubara Gollahalli) but over the years, it has reached to almost 1/3 of the area. The village Vadigehalli has shown a decreasing area under eucalyptus.

Others

The area covered by streams and scrubland and roads has been grouped under this category. No additional streams or canals are seen in the area and roads also though increased have been limited to connecting villages. The increase in scrublands over time is a direct indication of agricultural land being left vacant for long. Although ownership of such lands could not be ascertained, it is evident that cultivation practice has given way for non-agricultural professions.

2.3.2 Groundwater Over Exploitation

The severity of an impending water crisis at the global level, in general and the Asian region, in particular, is such that it can have serious implications for food security, sustainability of agriculture and the livelihoods of millions of human beings. Water resources have been experiencing an intense and sustained demand pressure from a range of direct and indirect socio-economic driving forces. Arguably people have been treating water almost as a free resource, despite the fact that competition for water accessing is intensifying. While globally, the absolute physical scarcity of water is at best a long-term concern, the current management of water resources has been found wanting in terms of being inefficient, inequitable and environmentally damaging. While the agricultural sector is often cited as the principal ‘user’ of water, domestic, municipal and industrial uses of water are increasing, though there is now a more widespread recognition of the important environmental services provided by water resources. Thus, the management of water has become an economic, social and political issue.

Groundwater is a critical resource in India, accounting for over 65% of irrigation water and 85% of drinking water supplies (World Bank 2010). However, based on current trends, it is estimated that 60% of groundwater sources will be in a critical state of degradation within the next 20 years (World Bank 2010). The case of India is distinct as it dominates with the highest share of 19.5% in the fresh water withdrawn in the world though its share in agriculture (86.5%) being fairly less than a couple of other countries (World Development Report 2011). In India, groundwater depletion is an issue for concern because it is expensive and increases the vulnerability of cost to the society. The costs of groundwater depletion refer to capital losses resulting from bore well infrastructure being ineffective due to lower groundwater levels, new investments required to deepen the existing bore wells, and new bore wells, higher energy costs involved in groundwater withdrawal and the indirect costs of lower net incomes from reduced irrigated areas. Irrigated agriculture is a major driver of increased water scarcity in view of its high consumption of water resources.

In India, a growing ground water scarcity due to the depletion of aquifers has led to negative externalities- frequent bore-well failures (cumulative well interference), falling water tables, etc. India’s average annual rainfall is extremely abundant by global standards, yet much of this rain falls in relatively brief deluges during the monsoon with significant variations across different regions. A combination of these climatic conditions and a range of man-made pressures have driven India’s farmers, households, and industry to increasingly depend on groundwater rather than surface water sources like rivers and lakes. But this dependence is leading to a rapid and worrisome deterioration in the nation’s groundwater resources.

In the absence of surface water for irrigation, ground water is under pressure as there is a race for exploitation of the resource by those who can afford to drill bore wells and tap water from deeper aquifers. There are also concerns emerging from the unregulated exploitation of ground water resources across states especially, Rajasthan, Gujarat, Punjab, Maharashtra and parts of Karnataka. Under Indian law, the ownership of land carries with it the ownership of ground water under it, subject to regulation and control by the state. Since the right over ground water use is also attached to land property, there are difficulties in regulating the way in which individuals extract the ground water resource for their use.

In rural areas, electricity subsidies allowing farmers to pump out groundwater cheaply have become entrenched in the political landscape (Shah T 2011). They are likely to become even more so as energy requirements increase, forcing farmers to extract water from greater depths. Also, low cost generally encourages an excess water withdrawal, an inefficient usage pattern commonly exacerbated by ineffective application methods.

In India, it is estimated, in 2010, the total water withdrawal amounts to 761 km³ of which 91% or 688 km³, was for irrigation (FAO 2011). Also, in 2010, primary surface water withdrawal accounted for 52%, primary groundwater withdrawal for 33%, and reused agricultural drainage water for 15% (FAO 2011). Groundwater in India is a highly important resource for irrigation and household use, and its extensive use has resulted in widespread groundwater depletion (Shah et al. 2003; CGWB 2007). Irrigation progress in India can be traced back to ancient times. Early Indian scriptures talk of wells, canals, tanks and dams and their efficient functioning and preservation. Framji (1987) informs us irrigation to produce food grains was in existence for over 5000 years ago.

A study on groundwater depletion (Rodell et al. 2009) in the north-western Indian states of Haryana, Punjab, and Rajasthan, is illustrative of common regional groundwater depletion problems in India. Using the Gravity Recovery and Climate Experiment (GRACE ) satellites for measuring changes in the terrestrial water storage during the study period from August 2002 to October 2008, 109 km3 of groundwater loss was estimated, or about 4 cm each year over the three-state area. A study by Shah (2011) finds, in respect of rural areas, electricity subsidies allowing farmers to pump groundwater cheaply becoming entrenched in the political landscape; and Low cost encourages an excess water withdrawal, an inefficient usage pattern commonly exacerbated by ineffective application methods (Kondepati 2011). This situation is perpetuated with further scarcity leading to unequal economic returns and, finally, takes on the most exploitative form where the “large landlords” also emerge as “water lords” through surplus accumulation, forcing the small and marginal landholders to become landless agricultural labourers (Sarkar 2011).

Wyrwoll P (2012), points out prominent drivers of over-extraction: inefficient usage, energy subsidies in agriculture, easy bank loan and population growth. A study by WRG (2009) suggests, in order to feed a growing and wealthier population, agricultural water demand in 2030 India would need double to 1200 billion m³ if these inefficient practices continued. While from a resource management perspective, groundwater depletion could be said to be self-regulating; i.e., as groundwater is depleted, extraction becomes more expensive and groundwater withdrawals are reduced. There is little evidence to show that this self-regulation is happening in South Asia (Shah et al. 2006), and if it does, there are still severe consequences for households that lose the ability to irrigate their lands with groundwater sources.

A study carried out by Reddy (2005) in three villages in northern Andhra Pradesh that groundwater depletion costs are most damaging to farmers with smaller land holdings and that disparities in groundwater access and control generally develop – those having larger land holdings are able to adapt to groundwater depletion and still retain access to groundwater resources. A decline in water table gives rise to technological externalities in terms of rising costs of installing new wells, deepening of existing wells and pumping and other maintenance activities (Moench 1992 and Shah 1993). Shah et al. (2003) analyse the progression of groundwater use at four stages: (1) expansion of bore well installations; (2) groundwater-based agrarian boom; (3) onset of groundwater depletion concerns; and (4) collapse of groundwater-based systems. Observations from the Hoskote taluka study area (based on perceptions of farmers, number of failed/dry bore wells, and crop and occupational shifts) suggest that the study area is in between stages three and four. Obtaining more benefits from each drop of water consumed, especially from every drop irrigated agriculture consumes, can be the key to mitigating problems of scarcity.

Groundwater is a classic example of a ‘public good’ – a resource in respect of which, it is difficult to exclude the potential users and also more importantly, it is not in the self-interest of the individual to use the resource in a collectively beneficial manner, for if only, one or two users reduce the volume of water they withdraw, the overall impact will be minimal. In fact, all users compete with each other to extract as much water as they can while the resource still exists with the result that all find themselves more worse off than had they cooperated, reducing water consumption. This is an example of “Tragedy of Commons”.

Since water resources are considered as resource-livelihood systems, it is beyond a water body, comprising a broader socio-cultural-ecological significance. They are the most dynamic life-support system having an enormous socio-economic-cultural-ecological importance to the communities depending on water resources for their livelihood sustenance. The communities have evolved their informal institutions (rules, norms) for managing the natural resource base (NR) like forests, fisheries and water resources with a view to sustaining the community life. There are multiple stakeholders associated with water management/use. But we selected only farmers having bore wells as our major stakeholder, as our main focus was to understand the ground water scenario.

Given this backdrop, the current study followed a two-level survey approach, namely, household level (especially bore well owners; running, failed and dried bore wells) and village level observations (to understand the village level dynamics). The study followed a selective sample for analytical purpose (Bore-well owners-present and past, water buyers, failed and dry bore well households). Besides the survey, at the village level, we collected information on the overall water resource dynamics. Under this, some specific village level information was collected such as details of bore wells and other irrigation sources, bore well depths, water levels, changes in the cropping pattern and perceptions of the villagers regarding the ground water situation. This apart, a few senior citizens also were interviewed for understanding issues on a temporal scale (how the situation was and is). Queries also focused on water availability around the villages (especially sources such as open wells, bore wells, rainwater storage tanks etc) and the ground water scenario in a historical context as well as changes that have taken place. We collected information from the same 102 sample bore well owning households (HHs), Among 102 farmers (HHs), 48 from Jadigenahalli, 15 from Govindapura, 10 from Vadigehalli, 16 from K B Hosahalli and 13 from Haraluru.

All the five study villages come under the semi-arid region of Karnataka with ground water as the only source for agriculture, domestic use and livestock activities. In the absence of other sources of water, there is a considerable pressure being exerted on ground water resource. As revealed by respondents, tanks have dried up since many years. For drinking water, about 80% of the households depend on piped water supply by the Government through panchayat, while about 54% of the households are dependent on the same source for livestock. The supply of water for domestic use is not sufficient with many disputes observed among the communities over water. For agriculture, 56% of the HHs have own bore-wells for irrigation. The average total land holding is over 3.5 acres, excepting Jadigenahalli where it is 4.17 acres. Irrigated landholdings have declined over the years due to the depletion of ground water and dried bore-wells with around 46% of the land holdings being irrigated.

Agriculture continues to remain the primary livelihood practice across the study villages. On an average, 60% of the households are engaged in agriculture as a major economic activity. However, dependency on agriculture has been declining over the years mainly due to ground water depletion. Other economic activities include livestock rearing, daily wage labour, business, company jobs etc. Among the secondary economic activities, livestock plays an important role. The fact that 19% of the households do not have any access to secondary occupations and that they are engaged in minor economic activities clearly indicates that agriculture as the major occupation is steadily declining due to water shortage.

Hosakote Taluk, one of the landscapes in the semi-arid tropical regions of Karnataka, depends only on groundwater for drinking, cultivation and industrial purposes. Groundwater levels have been declining with the over abstraction being a continuous phenomenon and currently it is one of the overexploited taluks with respect to natural replenishable quantity. Central Ground Water Board (CGWB) in its report on Bengaluru Rural District (2013) has mentioned that the status of development of groundwater in Hosakote Taluk is 223.49% i.e., overexploited. Studies related to Hosakote (Maruthesha Reddy et al. 2016) have indicated that the observation well in Upparahalli (near to Jadigenahalli GP) has been showing steady increase in the depth of ground water level below ground from 2005 to 2014. The depth to water level during pre and post monsoon (2014) has been mentioned as 34.54 and 31.66 m below the ground level as against 12.9 and 7.97 m during 1993. The exploratory drilling has (CGWB 2013) indicated the presence of water yielding fractures at 14.0 m, 108 m, 110 m and 123 m, 134 m, 136 m, 138 m depth, while the depth of exploratory bores drilled range from 33.0 to 287.09 m. The scientific exploration for potable water in the deeper zones has been going on with farmers testing their fortunes even at greater depths. While the scenario is overexploited and people have been reaching to deeper zones, distribution and depth relation at village level has not been attempted so far. Therefore, in order to understand the efforts of farmers to drawing water as part of coping with the vagaries of monsoons for cultivation, a census of groundwater abstraction structures was conducted as part of this study (Figs. 2.6, 2.7, 2.8, 2.9, 2.10, 2.11).

Fig. 2.6

Land use under Jadigenahalli GP from 1973 to 2017

Fig. 2.7

Variations in the extent of built-up land under Jadigenahalli GP

Fig. 2.8

Increasing trend of layouts under Jadigenahalli GP

Fig. 2.9

Decreasing trend of agricultural lands under Jadigenahalli GP

Fig. 2.10

Varying pattern of agricultural gardens under Jadigenahalli GP

Fig. 2.11

Extent of eucalyptus (Commercial) plantations under Jadigenahalli GP

A detailed inventory under the Jadigenahalli GP (conducted during November 2017) area has revealed 480 groundwater withdrawal structures (Table 2.5). This includes both open-wells and bore-wells. Table 2.11 provides the distribution of these structures across different villages of the Gram Panchayat. Figure 2.12 shows the spatial distribution of groundwater withdrawal structures under Jadigenahalli Gram Panchayat. Few photographs taken at the site during the inventory are shown below (Plate 2.9, 2.10, 2.11, 2.12, 2.13, 2.14, 2.15 and 2.16).

Table 2.5 Groundwater withdrawal structures under Jadigenahalli gram panchayat

Fig. 2.12

Distribution of wells under Jadigenahalli gram panchayat

Plate 2.9

Old open well (currently not in use) near Kolathur

Plate 2.10

One of the open wells having good storage near Vadigehalli

Plate 2.11

Old water storage structure (Kalyani) near Jadigenahalli

Plate 2.12

Functional bore well providing irrigation to vegetables near Jadigenahalli

Plate 2.13

Functional bore well used for irrigation of maize near Kolathur

Plate 2.14

Unused bore well located in Scrubland near Haralur

Plate 2.15

Defunct bore well Located in eucalyptus plantation (earlier Crop Land) near Haralur

Plate 2.16

Bore well drilled in tank bed near Kolathur

It is observed that open wells have almost become obsolete with only bore wells being used. The survey has indicated that out of 67 open-wells 54 are dry (80.5%) and those which appear to be functioning run out of water soon after the monsoon season. The average depth of open-wells is around 35 feet below the ground level. A maximum wells are found at a depth ranging from 45 to 50 feet. Out of 413 bore wells, 144 (i.e., around 35%) have gone dry.

The study also indicates that the density of groundwater withdrawal varies from 6 acres to 35 acres per structure. The data indicate that Kolathur and Haraluru account for a higher density i.e., for every 6 acres, there is a withdrawal structure (Figs. 2.13 and 2.14).

Fig. 2.13

Overall status of groundwater withdrawal structures under Jadigenahalli GP

Fig. 2.14

Variations in the depth of bore wells under Jadigenahalli GP

The depth of bore wells ranges from less than 500 to more than 1500 feet. For 113 bore wells, depth is not available, as all of them have become defunct. A maximum of bore wells (25.91%) are observed at a depth ranging from 750 to 1000 feet (Annex 2.6), followed by 21.07% ranging from 1000 to 1250 and 12.59% ranging from 1250 to 1500 feet. The varying depths of bore wells indicate that people have kept on trying for water at deeper levels, currently beyond 1500 feet.

The data also indicates that more than 60% of the bore wells are deeper than 750 feet. Kolathur and Jadigenahlli account for a higher number of structures with a maximum withdrawal of groundwater. The percentage of defunct bore wells amounts to more than 30% with both Haralur and Kolathur sharing more number of defunct bore wells. Although bore wells are comparatively few in Karibeeranahosahalli, nearly 50% of them have become defunct.

Agriculture in this semi-arid area is highly dependent on groundwater irrigation with bore wells as the principal source of irrigation water. Considering that rain-fed agriculture apart, ground water extraction is the only source of irrigation, there is no surprise that the density of bore wells has increased manifold over the years. As a result, there is a severe depletion in groundwater, resulting in failed and dry bore wells. Discussions with bore well owners revealed that the maximum depth of bore wells has reached to 1300 fts (in 2014) but more than 1500 (in 2017 as indicated in Fig. 2.15) indicating the gravity of the situation (Figs. 2.16 and 2.17). Figure 2.18 gives a schematic representation of increasing bore well depths over the decades as revealed by farmers.

Fig. 2.15

Depths of bore wells in different villages under Jadigenahalli GP

Fig. 2.16

Distribution of bore wells under Jadigenahalli gram panchayat

Fig. 2.17

Status of bore wells under Jadigenahalli GP

Fig. 2.18

Bore well depths indicated by farmers

2.3.3 Distribution of Bore Wells as Against Land Use

Obviously, bore wells under Jadignehalli GP are found across different land use categories. A maximum of them are found in agriculture lands (58.11%). 15.74% are seen in commercial plantations of which 53.85% of the bore wells are functional. Even people have drilled bore wells in tank beds. Besides, 56.67% of the drinking water wells in villages have also become defunct.

The presence of bore wells in commercial plantations and “others” category of land use implies that these plantations were agricultural lands before being rendered to the current status of land use. The reasons for such a scenario could be: (1) farmers might have converted part of their agri land for raising eucalyptus plantations; (2) After bore wells became defunct, farmers might have opted for raising eucalyptus in their land; (3) Yields from bore wells might have dwindled/not sufficient for cultivating their lands, leaving portions of their land vacant which over the years have become scrublands. A detailed description of such implications is presented in the subsequent sections. Details of distribution, depth and the status of bore wells across different land use categories (Table 2.6) in respect of each village are shown in Annex 2.7 and 2.8 and the distribution and status of open wells shown Annex 2.9, bore well depth and land use relationship in Annex 2.10 (Table 2.7).

Table 2.6 Location of wells in relation to land use

Table 2.7 Distribution of defunct open wells under Jadigenahalli GP

Based on the field survey and discussions held with farmers, 56% of the sample households have working bore wells with over 4 bore wells per household. While 27% of the bore wells have failed (water not found), over 55% have already dried up. Only 17.69% of the bore wells are found functional (Figs. 2.19 and 2.20). About 71–88% of the bore wells have either failed or dried up over the years. It is also observed that the success rate of bore wells is very insignificant. Table 2.8 and Fig. 2.21 provide details of bore wells, indicating the severity of the issue (Fig. 2.22).

Fig. 2.19

Status of bore wells across different land use classes

Fig. 2.20

Land use-wise distribution of open wells

Table 2.8 Status of bore wells as of 2014

Fig. 2.21

Defunct open wells under Jadigenahalli GP

Fig. 2.22

Ground water depletion: scanty rain fall

A decline in water table gives rise to technological externalities in terms of rising costs of installing new wells, deepening of existing wells and pumping and other maintenance activities (Moench 1992 and Shah 1993). This observation supports the scenario in this region as well. About 25 years ago, ground water depth was at about 180–250 ft. At present, each functional bore well costs about 3 lakh Indian rupees (equivalent to US$ 4700) There are multiple sources of bore well finance, such as banks and local money lenders (gold loan), including self finance. About 60% of the respondents have reported borrowing money (for drilling bore well) from banks, while 49% have reported investing personal money. Table 2.9 presents the investment pattern in respect of bore wells.

Table 2.9 Investment on functional bore-wells (Rs. Lakh)

An immediate effect of declining groundwater is reflected in changes in the cropping pattern with 62–90% of the farmers having changed their cropping pattern over the years.

2.3.4 Farmers’ Perceptions and Interventions

Groundwater depletion is a major cause for concern in this water-stressed region, which is evident from over 80% of them perceiving the lack of rainfall as one of the main factors behind the drying up of bore wells and depletion of ground water besides pointing out four causal factors – (1) Scanty rainfall; (2) Over-extraction of ground water resources with an increase in the number of bore wells; (3) Degradation of Village tanks; (4) Deforestation. Respondents also have observed a positive relationship between the degradation of village tanks (no presence of water) and increasing number of failed and dried bore wells. 59% and 79% of respondents consider tank degradation and deforestation as major causes for declining groundwater tables respectively.

The increasing number of bore well is another reason for ground water depletion. In the earlier section, we have analysed that the increasing number of bore wells with an over-extraction of water is the major cause for ground water depletion, leading to the more number of failed and dried bore wells. About 70–80% of the respondents consider the increasing number of bore wells as the factor for the depletion of ground water. It has been observed in the field that Jadigenahalli and Haraluru have more number of bore wells. Figure 2.23 presents the views of respondents regarding the over-extraction of ground water and declining ground water levels.

Fig. 2.23

Increased number of borewells: over extraction of ground water

It is important to note that many respondents observe there is a positive relationship between the degradation village tanks (no water) and increasing number of failed and dried bore wells. In the study villages, 59% of the respondents consider (given a very high value) tank degradation as one of the major causes for declining ground water tables. In Jadigenahalli village, 69% of the respondents rate tank degradation as the main factor for the declining water table in and around the village. Figure 2.24 provides respondents views on village tank degradation and declining ground water table. Respondents have also observed that deforestation in the region is one of the major causes for groundwater depletion. Over 75% of the respondents have given a high to very high value to deforestation as one of the factors for the depletion of ground water (Fig. 2.25).

Fig. 2.24

Respondents’ views on tank degradation across the study villages

Fig. 2.25

Respondents’ views on deforestation across the study villages

The consequences of groundwater depletion are grave (Fig. 2.26). The declining groundwater tables have posed significant challenges to the livelihoods of communities engaged in agriculture with over 40% of the households going through a severe crisis and many households adopting alternative livelihood options due to a significant decline in the agricultural activities. Irrespective of owning agricultural lands, water scarcity has forced several of them (30%) to work as daily wage labourers. It is interesting to note that many HH have adopted alternative sources of livelihood (e.g.livestock rearing) in view of a significant decline in the agricultural activities due to groundwater depletion.

Fig. 2.26

Livelihood impacts of groundwater depletion

Focus group discussions and interviews with local farmers have indicated that they have strategized over the years to cope up with the changed scenario, from being resource-rich to being resource-scarce. We have observed that unregulated groundwater exploitation, is a huge drain on household savings along with a forced cropping pattern shift from food grains to cash crops for easy cash flows and an inevitable out-migration in search of better jobs.

It is interesting to note that the sample respondents are well informed about the solution to the problem of groundwater depletion and implications for water scarcity. Their views towards with respect to addressing groundwater depletion and water scarcity issues are worth considering viz. – (i) Check dams in the region (68%); (ii) Rain water harvesting/recharging (57%); (iii) Afforestation and plantation in the region (not nilgiri plantation) (60%); (iv) Regulation of new bore wells; (v) Creating awareness for an efficient use of groundwater; (vi) Village tank restoration and management; (vii) River-tank water linkages; (viii) Diversion of Varthur lake water.

2.3.5 Farmers’ Coping Mechanisms

Respondents’ coping mechanisms suggestions for overcoming the problems of water scarcity and groundwater depletion are diverse. Over 86% of the total respondents have reduced their irrigated land area (already in two of the villages of Govindapura and Haraluru); more than 90% of the HHs have reduced their irrigated land; about 59% of the farmers have opted for additional bore wells; over 83% of farmers have changed their cropping pattern; 45% have adopted drip irrigation; 35% of the HHs have kept their lands barren partially or wholly due to dried bore wells and water scarcity; 45% of farmers have stopped commercial crop cultivation; 47% of the farmers have converted their agricultural lands into Eucalyptus plantations; 20% of the farmers have opted for daily wage labour; 78% of households have taken up alternative livelihood activities – viz., livestock rearing, company jobs, business etc. Fig 2.27 provides details of coping mechanisms adopted by communities in the context of declining groundwater and scarcity of water for irrigation.

Fig. 2.27

Coping mechanisms and adaptations

We also have observed groundwater markets thriving that warrant a further examining of the property rights-related issues regarding groundwater use and management. Over 20% of the HHs purchase water from bore wells belonging to other farmers. Three types of water purchasing arrangements are observed across the villages – (i) monthly payment; (ii) purchasing water from tankers (for one tanker 350 rupees); and (iii) sharing of 25% of the value of agricultural products.

2.3.6 Adaptations to Water Scarcity: Technological Adaptation

2.3.6.1 Drip Irrigation

Lately, drip irrigation has received a considerable attention from policy makers, researchers and economists for its perceived ability to contribute significantly to groundwater resources development, agricultural productivity, economic growth and environmental sustainability. Over 45% of the households use drip technology for irrigation purpose, while Haraluru village accounts for the highest share (53.8%), followed by Jadigenahalli (52.1). It is observed that farmers engaged in grape cultivation use drip technology. Overall, drip irrigation accounts for about 66% of the total bore well based irrigation. Plate 2.17 and 2.18 shows cultivation of coriander and carrot using drip irrigation.

Plate 2.17

Dried and abandoned open well and bore well

Plate 2.18

Cultivation of coriander (left), carrot (right) using drip irrigation

2.3.6.2 Mulching

Mulching is practised as a coping mechanism for getting around water scarcity mainly for floriculture and growing of Rosemary (See Plate 2.19); mulch is a layer of material applied to the surface of a Soil area; it may be permanent (e.g. plastic sheeting) or temporary (e.g. bark chips). Its purpose is to conserve moisture and to improve fertility and health of the soil.

Plate 2.19

Mulching done for growing rosemary, Jadigenhalli Village

2.3.7 Non-Technological Adaptation: Changing the Cropping Pattern

As discussed earlier, effecting changes in the cropping pattern seems to be a strategy followed by farmers as part of withstanding and overcoming water scarcity. Along with it, people have shifted from cultivating Paddy, Ragi and vegetables to raising Eucalyptus plantations, which are not labour-intensive and do not require external supply of water. Besides, there is a huge market for eucalyptus bark and leaves with brick and paper industrial units operating in the region (Mallur, Hoskote and Jadigenhalli Gram Panchayats), (See Plate 2.20).

Plate 2.20

Transporting of eucalyptus leafs for brick industrial units

2.4 Changing Ecosystem of Jadigenahalli – Push and Pull Factors

Development and degeneration are always associated with each other, but to what extent the degeneration can be sustained is determined by the response of the society and also the overall policy aspects. In the recent years, urbanisation has also been one of the main causes that have been exerting a substantial pressure on nearby rural ecosystems. Most of the rural landscapes in the semi- arid tropical regions and particularly the Peninsular India have been facing climate change challenges (mostly the vagaries of monsoons) as most of the river systems are dependent on rainfall. In addition to the climatic variations, urbanisation also has been one of the reasons for changing land use in this part of the country. In the regions surrounding Bengaluru, the situation is more pronounced, as there are no perennial rivers nearby. The livelihood depends on dry land agriculture. Bengaluru City, one of the fast growing metros, appears to have had effects of its growth on surrounding rural landscapes. Added to the urbanisation aspects, certain policy decisions like promoting eucalyptus might have also been a contributing factor to changing land use in rural areas. Almost all the surrounding rural areas of Bengaluru have been witnessing a rapid depletion of natural resources, particularly groundwater resources, while the land use has been getting transformed from agriculture to non-agriculture. Jadigenhalli is one of such samples of compounded policies, urbanisation compulsion and strategic actions of economic growth and response of the system.

Haroldo da Gama Torre (2011), while explaining the impact of urban sprawl worldwide, observes that the process is associated with the destruction and fragmentation of natural ecosystems, reduced diversity of species and loss of farmland. Priyadarshini Sen (2016) in relation to Hosakote and identifying the rural-urban fringe with characteristic land use associations opines that a conflict of two life styles and a direct impact of urban expansion on agricultural lands with clear indications of urban elements exist in peri-urban areas.

2.4.1 Agroforestry

There appear to have been certain policy decisions initiated by the government and practices followed by farmers that have influenced the ecological concerns of Hosakote region. The vagaries of monsoon and economic attractions might have prompted farmers’ plant eucalyptus species in the agricultural lands. Due to the impact of different forestry development programmes, the farmers started growing some agro-forestry species, especially in the rural-urban areas. The Eucalyptus species were introduced in Karnataka State, India, during the year 1946, especially in the rainfed areas, as its uses are manifold and grows well in the low rainfall areas (Gangadharappa et al. 2003). The government also promoted fast growing Eucalyptus plantation species to cover the denuded areas, as part of afforestation programme. Eucalyptus was further introduced under World Bank aided Social Forestry project in the 1980s for firewood and small timber and was restricted to two districts, namely, Bengaluru (rural) and Kolar, replacing 70,000 ha under finger millet (ragi), a local staple food grain crop (Mukund Joshi and K. Palanisami 2011). Eucalyptus is a unique tree species as compared to other perennial trees, as regards its adaptability to water relations. It can efficiently adjust to surplus water situations with its water requirement rising to as high as 90 litres per plant per day. It can also successfully grow under water-scarce conditions with water requirements coming down to 40–50 l per plant per day. Unlike other perennial species, it is able to draw water from large area in the vicinity of its root system. Under stressful situations, its roots can spread deep even up to 6–9 m for extracting more water (Mukund and Palanisami 2011). Respondents indicated that eucalyptus was introduced in their village’s way back in the 1980s by the Government with seedlings provided by the Forest Department. The farmers of Hosakote in Bagalore Rural district have continued to grow this easy-to-grow crop that requires less capital and attention. Jadigenahalli Gram Panchayat, as of 2017, has 1646.13 acres (34.38%) under Eucalyptus.

Earlier, a very few households were cultivating eucalyptus in villages, now majority have started cultivating because of low costs involved in plantation and maintenance (see annexure). Once in 3 or 6 years, it is harvested with cost incurred amounting to 4000−4500/ for acre. Not only almost one third of Jadigenahalli gram panchayat area is under eucalyptus, but also all the villages have more than 30% of the area covered by eucalyptus. Govindapura records highest coverage with 59.1% during 2017 while Vadigehalli has only 6.5% of the area under eucalyptus (See Table 2.10).

Table 2.10 Distribution of eucalyptus plantations under Jadigenahalli GP

Spatial data on the geographical distribution of eucalyptus plantations for 1973–2003 was not available. However, based on the literature, it is clear that proliferation and cultivation of eucalyptus in agricultural lands must have begun during 1980–1990 and continued further. One of the studies reveals (Gangadharappa et al. 2003) that a majority of the farmers perceived the cultivation of eucalyptus species as being less expensive, including operational cost (78%). When profitability was analyzed, a maximum number of farmers (68%) felt that it had given higher profit and the year 1988 can be considered as the ‘take off’ year for the diffusion of eucalyptus.

Eucalyptus is a controversial tree species globally, due to its merits as well as notoriety. Its merits like fast growing nature, quick adaptation to a wide ranging ecological situations, several industrial applications and as a means of livelihood for the unprivileged, have elevated it to one of the most desirable tree species introduced in afforestation, farm forestry and social forestry programmes. Nevertheless, Eucalyptus is also known to cause a number of environmental hazards like depletion of groundwater, dominance over other species through allelopathic effects, loss of soil fertility and negative impacts on local food security issues. (Mukund and Palanisami 2011). The presence of groundwater withdrawal structures in the eucalyptus plantations (on private lands) corroborates the preference of farmers for eucalyptus as a means to reduce the cost of cultivation and to get a better price for the produce. The current study has been able to map both bore wells and open wells across the commercial plantations and “others” (cultivable waste – scrubland) category of land use from all the villages under Jadigenahalli GP. The scenario can be interpreted in the following ways:

• 1. Bore wells installed on a portion of the land becoming increasingly dry with no sufficient water available, and hence farmers have started cultivating eucalyptus in the same land (See Table 2.11).

• 2. Farmers must have reduced the extent of bore well irrigated land so as to reduce the cost of labour and to support other better remunerating crops. As a result, a substantial proportion of land with functioning bore wells is seen with eucalyptus crop in a few villages under Jadigenahalli GP.

• 3. Yields from bore well becoming increasingly dwindled/not sufficient for the entire lands – to reduce the cost of cultivation, farmers must have kept portions of their lands (with bore well/open well) unused which over the years have become scrublands.

Table 2.11 Village-wise and land use-wise distribution of wells under Jadigenahalli GP

It is also observed that more than 50% of the bore wells are still functional, providing water to adjacent crop/garden land.

2.4.2 Status of Environment in Jadigenahalli

The scenario of changing land use and overexploitation of groundwater in Hosakote Region in general and Jadigenahlli in particular can be analysed using the Pressure-State-Response model of OECD (2003). Following sections describe briefly the pressure, status of environment and response of society (citizen and institutional and governmental).

2.4.3 Natural Resources Stock – Land Use and Groundwater

Overall land use pattern under Jadigenahllli GP has transformed from agriculture-dominated to non-agriculture with agroforestry accounting for the lead portion. Agricultural land use has diminished substantially from 3627 acres to 1505 acres over a period of almost 40 years. At the same time, the eucalyptus (agroforestry) area has increased from 123 acres to 1646 acres. While one cannot determine yardsticks for a standard/optimal land use in respect an agrarian landscape, particularly the one like Jadigenahalli GP, impacts of a modified land use practice is clear. Almost one third of the geographical area is under eucalyptus plantations raised intentionally to improve the economic status. The plantations might have possibly improved the economic conditions of farmers temporarily, but the same have, in the process, affected adversely the local landscapes. Eucalyptus has been at the centre of a number of controversies like loss of soil fertility, adverse effects on local food security, replacement of conventional forests, besides being a prime cause behind various hydro-ecological imbalances of local eco-systems. Experiments have shown that organic matter and exchangeable potassium have depleted in the soil systems under eucalyptus plantations than in wood lands (George 1986).

Studies have revealed that eucalyptus is prone to a larger suction in the upper zone, seriously reduce the natural movement of water before ultimately reducing the supply to deeper aquifers (Mukund Joshi and Palaniswamy 2011) and water use based on over three dry years of measurement, amounting to more than the rainfall (Calder et al. 1997). The study by Mukund Joshi and K Palanisami (2011) on the ground water conditions in Kolar area reveals that 20 years of continuous cultivation of eucalyptus in private and public lands had deepened the freshly-dug bore wells up to 260m from a mean depth of 177m. A survey of distribution and status of bore wells in Jadigenahalli (during November 2017 by authors), has clearly brought out the effects of eucalyptus on ground water levels. Majority of the depths of bore wells have increased more than 750 feet.

Groundwater drafting in Hosakote has been estimated at 223% by CGWB. As there are no perennial streams/rivers in the region, villages under Jadigenahalli GP have a great concern to deal with regarding water not only for agriculture, but also for drinking water, if this status continues.

2.5 Societal Responses

Urbanisation is inevitable in the context of a mounting pressure on land, reduced agricultural lands/incomes, increased demand for drinking water for the burgeoning population and also for other uses. Although urbanisation symbolises development, growth and change, an uncontrolled urbanisation process is creating substandard living environments, acute shortage of public services and environmental degradation around cities called peri-urban spaces. Jadigenahalli, one similar peri-urban landscape around Bengaluru city, has come to be impacted substantially by urbanisation and related developmental activities. On one side, the scenario has been moving away from containment options, despite efforts being made continuously towards building resources and controlling a further land degradation. On the other hand, there are coping mechanisms adopted by both landholders and landless across the villages. However, there is also the issue of neglect of common property resources. The responses at the societal level can be briefly mentioned as follows:

• Formation of BMRDA and Local Planning Authorities (LPAs) for regulation, coordination of urban development and land conversion to non-agriculture purposes.

• Bengaluru and its hinterlands have evolved and transformed over the years subject to the influences of various factors affecting the City–Region dynamics. The new millennium is being increasingly referred to as one Urban–Rural Continuum in India. Realising that regional planning is a tool to address regional disparities and that interplay between Bengaluru (Metropolitan) and its human settlements (surrounding urban and rural local bodies) would largely govern the State Level spatial and economic development, BMRDA has prepared a Revised Structure Plan for Bengaluru Metropolitan Region (Revised Structure Plan −2031).

• Hosakote Planning Authority (HPA) has prepared a Master Plan for its local planning area, which includes entire the Hosakote Taluk. Besides focussing on urban issues, the plan aims to address the issues like Zoning of Land use in rural regions, rural infrastructure, environment, regulation of groundwater exploitation and rainwater harvesting (Anonymous 2013).

• An official ban on cultivation and propagation of eucalyptus species by anybody across Karnataka by amending the Karnataka Tree Preservation Act 1976 (Anonymous 2017). This action by the government may go a long way in facilitating the percolation of rain water into groundwater aquifers that have been almost not receiving any rainfall percolation from soil zone due to the presence of eucalyptus plantations. The ill effects of growing eucalyptus appear to have been understood by the farmers as well, which is reflected in reducing the area under these plantations across different villages under Jadigenahalli GP.

• Farmers adapting to drip and sprinkler irrigation for crops in their lands. The survey during November 2017 indicates that many farmers have stopped flood irrigation and have instead resorted to an advanced method of irrigation, thereby reducing slightly the land under groundwater irrigation.

• Initiatives towards building water resources in Hosakote Region – Indirect reuse of waste water from Bengaluru.

• Most of the tanks in Hosakote taluk have gone dry with water tables dipping further. The normal monsoons are not able to bring back the increased demand. The Government has initiated plans to pumping of treated wastewater from the lakes around Bengaluru city to other regions like Kolar, Hosakote and Chikkaballapur. Bengaluru Mirror Bureau (2015) in an article based on a discussion with Bengaluru Water Supply & Sewerage Board (BWSSB) authorities and Dr. A N Yellappa Reddy (environmentalist) mentioned the following: At present, Bengaluru generates 1500 MLD of sewage every day, out of which 750 MLD is treated by the Bengaluru Water Supply and Sewage Board (BWSSB). This treated water is not fit for drinking. If all of Bengaluru’s sewage is treated, 500 MLD could be used within the city and remaining can be sent to lakes in neighbouring districts. If the treated water is made to flow for 5 km on ground rich in vegetation and bio-diversity, all toxins in the water are removed naturally. Water could then be supplied via tunnels, and lifted from an ideal location to water bodies in neighbouring districts. Treated water supplied to tanks can be subjected to further purification so that people can drink it.

• Hosakote lake was probably the first lake in the vicinity of Bengaluru to have been filled with treated water. Water from Yelemallappa shettyhalli Kere near Avalahalli is being pumped to a distance of 14 km through a pipeline to Hosakote Lake for the last 5 years. Residents of Hosakote town say that treated water has done wonders to the water table. The water table, which had depleted to 1200 feet 5 years ago, has now come up to 650 feet (within a 5 km radius of the lake). Surprisingly, 20 bore wells have been dug up in the lake to supply drinking water to Hosakote town (Bengaluru Mirror Bureau – 2015).

• As the forest resource is under the control of the Forest Department, the dependency rate of people has got reduced extensively, though there is a theft of resources happening, but rarely reported.

• A major part of the grazing lands has been given to economically backward communities. They grow finger millet and Eucalyptus. The rest of the managed grazing land remains an open access (un-managed) CPR and hence, prone to degradation. Poultry farms and brick making industrial units have encroached upon grazing lands across the study villages.

• For the last 10 years and more, no tank is used for irrigation, as there is no water stored. In Govindpura, the tank bed has been used for SC community settlement. Many people continue to graze their goats/sheep in the tank bed. Silt removed from tank beds is auctioned to brick making industrial units operating around the villages.

• There is a dilution of village-level informal institutional arrangements pertaining to livelihood-natural resource based CPRs. But the causes of CPR degradation are external to the community-CPR inter-linkages. As there is no water present in the tank, the dependency level is less. Silt removal by brick making industrial units is also external to the village community. This could explain as to how external and physical shocks (like Water scarcity) have led to the breakdown of village institutions pertaining to the CPRS. Now all HHs have cross-breed livestock with a relatively low dependence on CPRs (high profit motive and degradation of CPR).

2.6 Summary

A major part of the grazing lands has been given to economically backward communities. They grow ragi and Eucalyptus. The rest of the managed grazing land remains an open access (un-managed) CPR and hence, degradation. Poultry farms and brick making industrial area have encroached upon grazing lands across the study villages. There has been a decline in livestock rearing, because earlier, people used to take their livestock to Gomalas, or waste lands with grass and shrubs for grazing but now, they have been converted into agriculture lands. Interestingly, the population of ox and buffaloes is less compared to cows, sheep and goats. Especially with respect to cows, people have shifted from local (hallikar) to hybrid cows (Holo frestine, jersy) because of their high milk yield (Manasi et al. 2016). As the forest resource is under the control of the forest department, the dependency rate of people has got reduced extensively though there is a theft of resources happening now and then (rarely reported).

For the last 10 years and more, no tank is used for irrigation as there is no water. In Govindpura, the tank bed has been used for SC community settlement. Many people continue to use to graze their goats/sheep in the tank bed. Silt removed from tank beds is auctioned to brick making industrial area operating around the villages. There is a dilution of village level informal institutional arrangements pertaining to livelihood-natural resource based CPRs. But the causes of CPR degradation are external to the community-CPR inter-linkages. As there is no water present in the tanks, dependency level is less. Silt removal by brick making industrial units is also external to the village community. This could explain as to how external and physical shocks (like Water scarcity) have led to the break-down of village institutions pertaining to the CPR. Now all HHs have cross breed livestock with less dependence on CPRs (high profit motive and degradation of CPR).

As per people’s perceptions eucalyptus is the main reason for a rise in temperatures in the recent years; also no crops will grow once it is uprooted including the surrounding lands because it absorbs soil moisture from the surrounding areas. Since Jadigenahalli is just about 40 Km away from the metropolitan city, Bangalore, with a good communication and transportation network with NH4 (National Highway) connection and also as it possesses a forest area of 750 acres with natural resource access, the region less vulnerable to climate change effects (as compared to the remote region/villages). Now with only 25–26% of the villagers dependent on agriculture as their major occupation and the remaining 60–70% of the people on garments, factories, non-agriculture labour, livestock rearing as major alternative sources of their livelihood, they are less vulnerable to climate change. In view of this change, 60% of the people migrate daily to other cities in search of employment and most of the youngsters migrate daily in pursuit of education and thus changes in livelihood and migration are not due to climate change in this region.

Assessment of climatological indicators shows changes in rainfall pattern as well as temperature in the area. Since the data is constrained by lack of historical samples, climate change can be conclusively proclaimed only after such historical samples are examined or after monitoring for few more years. However, the studied data do not show distinct signs of climate change. Indirect indicators such as change in cropping pattern and agricultural productivity have been assessed. Change in cropping pattern from crops to eucalyptus plantation in study area can be attributed to lower ground water table due to excessive bore well drilling and economic profitability of eucalyptus plantation. However quality and productivity of grape and mulberry cultivation could have been affected by weather change. Concrete inference in this area could be drawn only after detail monitoring. Changes in demographic and economic indicators have also been attributed to change in cropping pattern and shift in employment pattern (Manasi et al. 2016).

The largest known economic impact of climate change is upon agriculture because of the size and sensitivity of the sector, particularly in the developing world and to a lesser extent in parts of the developed world. Even though there is a decline in agriculture activity in all the villages, but secondary data shows that percentage of area under agriculture in all villages, expect Vadigehalli and KB Hosahalli have increased. Technical indicators like rainfall and temperature indicate that there is no climate change in the region and as due to basic necessities of village are good and accessible along with superior natural vegetation has made the region less prone to climate change effects (Manasi et al. 2016).

A well-planned groundwater resource management strategy is important for an economical, efficient and sensible use of ground water. In view of the ever-growing population and increasing demand for groundwater for various developmental activities, it is suggested to adopt methods to artificially recharge ground water aquifers in the water level depleting areas, as part of increasing the ground water availability. Apart from the above, farmers should be encouraged to grow crops that require less water for their production. With respect to ground water resources management, some interesting suggestions made by farmers include the construction of check dams in the region; Rain water harvesting/recharging; Afforestation and plantation in the region (not nilgiri plantations); Regulation of new bore wells; Creating awareness for an efficient ground water use; Village tank restoration and management; River-tank water linkages; Diversion of Varthur lake water to the region.

Annexures

Annex 2.1 Current land use pattern (2017) under Jadigenahalli GP

Annex 2.2 Land use pattern (2013) under Jadigenahalli GP

Annex 2.3 Land use pattern (2009) under Jadigenahalli GP

Annex 2.4 Land use pattern (2003) under Jadigenahalli GP

Annex 2.5 Land use pattern (1973) under Jadigenahalli GP

Annex 2.6 Depth (variation) of bore wells under Jadigenahalli GP

Annex 2.7 Village-wise and land use-GP wise distribution of wells under Jadigenahalli GP

Annex 2.8 Bore well depth and land use relationship under Jadigenahalli gram panchayat

Annex 2.9 Distribution and status of borewells under Jadigenahalli Gram Panchayat

Annex 2.10 Bore well depth and land use relationship under Jadigenahalli gram panchayat