Abstract
Late medieval English polemical poetic and prose texts, particularly those affiliated with Lollardy, have long been judged as aesthetically unappealing even as they are acknowledged to be historically, politically, and socially illuminating. They are important documents, but not beautiful literature. This chapter considers how we might understand these texts as emerging from an aesthetic tradition that turns away from tradition Aristotelian models of artistic beauty and toward a model of vernacular aesthetics. Through a review of English poetic precedent, this chapter argues that the notion of vernacular makynge offers an alternate way to understand the aesthetic patterns of one particular group of late medieval polemical texts: the fifteenth-century Jack Upland series. The chapter’s analysis of Jack Upland, Friar Daw’s Reply, and Upland’s Rejoinder explores how the features of makynge—performance, process, transformation—actually align with Lollard beliefs about artistic skill and open up our understanding of these texts whose literary value continues to be overlooked.
For poetry makes nothing happen …
—From W.H. Auden’s poem “In Memory of W.B. Yeats”
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- 1.
Aristotle, Aristotle’s Poetics, trans. George Whalley (McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1997), 59.
- 2.
Oscar Wilde, “The Critic as Artist.” Corpus of Electronic Texts Edition. https://celt.ucc.ie/published/E800003-007/text001.html
- 3.
Elaine Scarry, On Beauty and Being Just, The Tanner Lectures on Human Values (Yale University, 1998), 39, 31, https://blogs.aalto.fi/researchinart/files/2012/10/scarryBEAUTY.pdf
- 4.
Immanuel Kant, Kant’s Critique of Judgment, trans. J.H. Bernard, 2nd ed. (London: Macmillan, 1914), 90.
- 5.
Kant, Critique, 47–48. Italics are his.
- 6.
Katharine Woodason Jager, “The Practice of Makyngee: Masculine Poetic Identity in Late Medieval English Poetry” (PhD diss, City University of New York, 2007), 22.
- 7.
Penn Szittya, The Antifraternal Tradition in Medieval Literature (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986), 183.
- 8.
Thorlac Turville-Petre, The Alliterative Revival (Cambridge: D.S. Brewer, 1977), 122.
- 9.
David Knowles, “Jack Upland, Friar Daw’s Reply and Upland’s Rejoinder (Book Review),” Medium Aevum 39 (1970): 228. P.L. Heyworth, ed., Jack Upland, Friar Daw’s Reply and Upland’s Rejoinder, Oxford English Monographs (London: Oxford University Press, 1968), 52.
- 10.
James Simpson, The Oxford English Literary History, Volume 2, 1350–1547: Reform and Cultural Revolution (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), 371.
- 11.
Steven Justice, “Lollardy,” in The Cambridge History of Medieval English Literature, ed. David Wallace (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 679.
- 12.
John Scattergood, “Alliterative Poetry and Politics,” in A Companion to Medieval Poetry, ed. Corinne Saunders (Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell, 2010), 364.
- 13.
Fiona Somerset, Clerical Discourse and Lay Audience in Late Medieval England (Oxford: University of Oxford Press, 1998), 135.
- 14.
Notable exceptions are the work of Somerset herself and the section on the Upland series in Mike Rodman-Jones’ 2011 book Radical Pastoral 1381–1594: the Appropriation and Writing of Religious Controversy.
- 15.
Bruce Holsinger, “Lollard Ekphrasis: Situated Aesthetics and Literary History,” The Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 35, no. 1 (2005): 74.
- 16.
Justice, “Lollardy,” 680.
- 17.
David Lawton, “Dullness and the Fifteenth Century,” ELH 54, no. 4 (1987), 762–4.
- 18.
Rebecca Wilson Lundin, “Rhetorical Iconoclasm: The Heresy of Lollard Plain Style,” Rhetoric Review 27, no. 2 (March 25, 2008), 140.
- 19.
Holsinger, “Lollard Ekphrasis,” 77 (italics are his).
- 20.
In his discussion of makynge, Olson indicates that “the emphasis in the vernacular lyric treatises on technique rather than on inspiration or learning reinforces the impression that making is perceived primarily as craftsmanship … none of the texts I have seen from this period elevates vernacular making by comparing it to divine creation” (276).
- 21.
Jager, “Practice of Makynge,” 2, 237.
- 22.
Umberto Eco, Art and Beauty in the Middle Ages, trans. Hugh Bredin (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1987), 10.
- 23.
Charles Steinberg, “The Aesthetic Theory of St. Thomas Aquinas,” The Philosophical Review 50, no. 5 (1941): 489–92.
- 24.
Paul Durbin, Summa Theologiae: Volume 12, Human Intelligence: 1a 84–89 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 43.
- 25.
Maura Nolan, “Medieval Sensation and Modern Aesthetics: Aquinas, Adorno, Chaucer,” Minnesota Review 80 (2013), 156–7.
- 26.
Mary Carruthers, The Experience of Beauty in the Middle Ages (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013), 27–28, 34. She does, however, problematize Bakhtin’s simplification of medieval class structure and therefore questions the accuracy of his model.
- 27.
Carruthers, Experience of Beauty, 11.
- 28.
Ibid., 8.
- 29.
Glending Olson, “Making and Poetry in the Age of Chaucer,” Comparative Literature 31, no. 3 (1979): 279.
- 30.
Olson, “Making and Poetry,” 280.
- 31.
Jager, “The Practice of Makynge,” 15.
- 32.
John Tatlock, “The Epilog of Chaucer’s Troilus,” Modern Philology 18, no. 12 (1921): 631.
- 33.
James Dean, ed., Six Ecclesiastical Satires, TEAMS (Ann Arbor: Medieval Institute Publications, 1991), http://d.lib.rochester.edu/teams/publication/dean-six-ecclesiastical-satires
- 34.
Penn Szittya, “The Antifraternal Tradition in Middle English Literature,” Speculum 52, no. 2 (1977): 288.
- 35.
Szittya, Antifraternal Tradition, 183.
- 36.
Jager, “The Practice of Makynge,” 17.
- 37.
Carruthers, Experience of Beauty, 159.
- 38.
Bruce Holsinger, “The Parable of Caedmon’s ‘Hymn’: Liturgical Invention and Literary Tradition,” The Journal of English and Germanic Philology 106, no. 2 (2007): 175.
- 39.
“Exponebantque ille quendam sacrae historiae siue doctrinae sermonem praecipientes eum, si posset, hunc in modulationem carminis transferre. At ille suscepto negotio abiit et mane rediens optimo carmine quod iubatur compositum reddidit undem ox abbatissa amplexata gratiam Dei in viro saecularem illum habitum relinquere et monachicum suscipere propositum docuit, susecptumque in monasterium cum omnibus suis fratrum cohort associavit iussitque illum seriem sacrae historiae doceri. At ipse cuncta quae audiendo discere poterat rememorando secum et quasi mundum animal ruminando in carmen dulcissimum convertebat.” The Latin is from Garforth’s edition of Bede’s Historia Ecclesastica, IV:xxiv, and the English translation is based upon L.C. Jane’s 1903 Temple Classics Edition, taken from https://www.heorot.dk/caedmon-notes.html#li
- 40.
Karl Reichl, “The Oral and the Written,” in A Companion to British Literature, ed. Robert DeMaria (New Jersey: John Wiley & Sons, 2014), 6.
- 41.
Lines 6–28, British Library MS Cotton Caligula A ix. Original Middle English and translation provided in Laura Lambdin and Robert Lambdin, Arthurian Writers: A Biographical Encyclopedia (Westport: Greenwood, 2007), 46–47. “It came to his mind, a most splendid idea, / that he would tell of England’s noble men. … Layamon went traveling widely through this land, / and obtained the splendid book which he took as a model: / He took the English book which Saint Bede had made; / another he took in Latin made by Saint Albin, / and the blessed Augustine who brought baptism here; / a book he took as his third source, and laid this among the others, / a French cleric made it, / Wace he was called, who well knew how to write. … Layamon laid out these books and he leafed through them. / He beheld them gratefully—the Lord be gracious to him! / He took a quill pen in hand and wrote on parchment. / And truthful words he set together, / and combined the three books into one. /”
- 42.
Nicole Nyffenegger, Authorising History: Gestures of Authorship in Fourteenth-Century English Historiography (Newcastle-Upon-Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2013), 56–7.
- 43.
Dr. Helbert’s work on this passage was presented at the 2016 Making Early Middle English Conference in Victoria, BC, but has not been published. My thanks to him for allowing me to cite this material.
- 44.
Helbert cites various editors’ translations of this word, which has no clear definition, and explains his own choice of “beats” as a translation by referring to Kenneth Tiller’s discussion of the word’s likely derivation from the Germanic terms “thrymme” (host, multitude), “heruthrummeon” (hostile power, strength), and other terms connoting pushing, shoving, or even drumming. The idea of drumming, a term which may be partially an aural cognate, links the concepts of strength and force with those of sound and rhythm.
- 45.
All quotations from Chaucer are taken from The Riverside Chaucer.
- 46.
See, for example, definition 2b for “behold” in the Middle English Dictionary: “(a) To observe, consider, contemplate; ~ inwardli; (b) to perceive; comprehend, understand; (c) to see (as in a dream or one’s imagination).”
- 47.
Irina Dumitrescu, “Beautiful Suffering and the Culpable Narrator in Chaucer’s Legend of Good Women,” The Chaucer Review 52, no. 1 (2017): 118–119.
- 48.
Jager, “The Practice of Makynge,” 11–14.
- 49.
Data on medieval literacy is understandably hard to obtain, not least in part because “literacy” in England’s Middle Ages is hard to define, given the country’s trilingualism from the Norman conquest through the Wars of the Roses. The categories of “oral” versus “written” are too simplistic to describe the linguistic practices of medieval English people, and the contexts in which French, Latin, and English were heard, spoken, written, and learned shifted significantly. It is, however, most likely that the percentage of the population able to read in at least one language did increase during these centuries. See Christopher Cannon, “From Literacy to Literature: Elementary Learning and the Middle English Poet,” PMLA 129 (2014): 349–64 and Susan Crane, “Anglo-Norman Cultures in England,” in The Cambridge History of Medieval English Literature, ed. David Wallace (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 167–95. See also Brian Stock, The Implications of Literacy: Written Language and Models of Interpretation in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1983), Chapter 1, particularly Part 3, and Michael Clanchy, From Memory to Written Record: England 1066–1307, 2nd ed. (New Jersey: Blackwell, 1993), Chapter 7.
- 50.
Clanchy, Memory to Written Record, 268.
- 51.
Stock, The Implications of Literacy, 33.
- 52.
Carruthers, Experience of Beauty, 159.
- 53.
Szittya, Antifraternal Tradition, 183.
- 54.
All quotations from the Upland texts (with the exception of the interpolator’s lines, which are not included in the editions and are cited via folio number) are taken from Dean’s TEAMS edition, Six Ecclesiastical Satires.
- 55.
Some scholars include Jack Upland among the texts of the Piers Plowman tradition , since it shares certain values and concerns with Piers Plowman . For a more comprehensive survey of scholarly treatments of this tradition, see David Lawton, “Lollardy and the ‘Piers Plowman’ Tradition,” The Modern Language Review 76, no. 4 (1981): 780–93; Marie-Claire Uhart, “The Early Reception of Piers Plowman” (Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Leicester, 1986); and Noëlle Phillips, “Families, Fictions, and Seeing Through Things: Re-Reading Chaucer, Langland, and the Pearl Poet” (Ph.D. Dissertation, University of British Columbia, 2011).
- 56.
Wendy Scase, Piers Plowman and the New Anti-Clericalism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 171–2.
- 57.
Eleanor Hammond, ed., English Verse Between Chaucer and Surrey (London: Octagon, 1969), 196.
- 58.
Stephen Reed Cattley, ed., The Acts and Monuments of John Foxe, Volume 2. (London: Seeley & Burnside, 1837), 357.
- 59.
Speght included Jack Upland in his 1602 edition of Chaucer’s Workes (Heyworth , Jack Upland, 5–6), apparently following the attribution of Foxe. The poem’s early (and incorrect) association with Chaucer introduces a host of new questions regarding how we assess its aesthetic value, but for the purposes of this article I am focusing upon the nature of anticlerical debate satire and its role in the Middle English sense of aesthetic pleasure. I will therefore discuss the three Upland poems but not the misattribution of Jack Upland itself to Chaucer.
- 60.
Michael Vargas, “Weak Obedience, Undisciplined Friars, and Failed Reforms in the Medieval Order of Preachers,” Viator 32, no. 1 (2011): 294–7.
- 61.
See, for example, Jack’s condemnation of the “fals fablis of freris and feined myraclys” (188), the friars’ granting of confraternity letters only to the rich (rendering the letters themselves false) (151–3), and their pretense at owning the king’s lands (142–4).
- 62.
The hoarding of books was a common charge that Wycliffites levied against friars. See Rouse, “The Franciscan and Books: Lollard Accusations and the Franciscan Response,” Studies in Church History Subsidia 5 (1987): 409.
- 63.
Michael Vargas discusses how the importance of obedience in one fraternal order decreased continually because the friars had dispensation to exempt themselves from certain requirements of their order in certain circumstances. The reasons for exemption became increasingly flexible, which led to internal corruption of the order: “weak obedience served the organization poorly as growth required an administration turn away from collegial beginnings … conventional complaints brought against the friars by their enemies had a basis in fact” (294).
- 64.
Scattergood, “Alliterative Poetry,” 363.
- 65.
Concern about the “truth” of authorial labor and the role of writers within the three-estate system the poem outlines is also a prominent theme in Piers Plowman , a poem thought to have influenced Jack Upland. See Hanna, “Will’s Work” for a comprehensive discussion of writerly labor in Piers Plowman . A discussion regarding the idea of “true labour” in Jack Upland will, unfortunately, have to take place in another essay.
- 66.
Mike Rodman-Jones points out how it is this disregard of the estates model that allows the attack on Upland in Friar Daw’s Reply (see Rodman-Jones, Radical Pastoral, 74). However, I suggest that the self-condemning qualities of the Reply, which the Rejoinder helpfully points out for readers, render his class-based arguments weak and unconvincing.
- 67.
For just a sampling of the excellent work on Piers Plowman’s hermeneutic complexity, with particular attention to the relationship between author, speaker, and main character, see Anne Middleton, “Narration and the Invention of Experience: Episodic Form in Piers Plowman,” in The Wisdom of Poetry: Essays in Early English Literature in Honor of Morton W. Bloomfield, ed. Larry Benson and Siegfried Wenzel (Ann Arbor: Medieval Institute Publications, 1982), 91–122; Kathryn Kerby-Fulton, “Langland and the Bibliographic Ego,” in Written Work: Langland, Labor and Authorship, ed. Kathryn Kerby-Fulton and Steven Justice (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1997), 67–143; Ralph Hanna, “Will’s Work,” in Written Work: Langland, Labor, and Authorship, ed. Kathryn Kerby-Fulton and Steven Justice (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1997), 23–66; Nicolette Zeeman, Piers Plowman and the Medieval Discourse of Desire (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006); and J.A. Burrow, Langland’s Fictions (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993).
- 68.
Middleton, “Narration,” 267.
- 69.
Carruthers, Experience of Beauty, 47.
- 70.
“An accident without a subject,” and variants of this phrase, is used in a number of texts discussing the Eucharist, particularly late medieval texts pertaining to Wycliffism. Summoning Stephen Lahey’s work on Wyclif, Jennifer Illig explains that Wyclif rejected the predominant definition of transubstantiation inherited from Aquinas, which was that the Eucharistic bread and wine physically transformed from regular bread into bread embodying the divine, and instead argued that the spiritual and physical realities of the bread in its bread-form co-existed at all times.
- 71.
The phrase Jack is echoing is found in John Wyclif, The English Works of Wyclif Hitherto Unprinted, ed. F.D. Matthew, Early English Text Society (London: Trubner & Co, 1880), 357–8: “þhe sacrid oost whijt & round þat men seen in þe preestis hondes is very goddis bodi in forme of breed. But freris … seien that it is an accident wiþ-outen suget or ou3t, & mai in noo wise be goddis bodi.”
- 72.
For a summary of the Jack/Daw exchange on this topic (which is caught up in theological complexities), see Andrew Cole, Literature and Heresy in the Age of Chaucer (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 148–9.
- 73.
Roland Barthes, The Pleasure of the Text, trans. Richard Miller (New York: Hill and Wang, 1975), 9–10.
- 74.
Lines 97–111, 135–38, 147–150, 160–165, 179–181, 212–219, and 240–43 are some examples of the fraternal preoccupation with worldly wealth and goods.
- 75.
Barthes, Pleasure, 23.
- 76.
Even if I am incorrect in this assertion, it remains true that functionally, the features of the Reply do appear to reinforce many of Upland’s accusations.
- 77.
Scattergood, “Alliterative Poetry,” 364; Dean, Six Ecclesiastical Satires, n.p.
- 78.
Patrick Hornbeck, “Antifraternalism and the Upland Series: Evidence from a Fifteenth-Century Ballad,” Notes and Queries 56, no. 1 (2009): 25.
- 79.
Dean, Six Ecclesiastical Satires, n.p.; Scattergood, “Alliterative Poetry,” 364.
- 80.
Rodman-Jones, Radical Pastoral, 73.
- 81.
One example is line 42: “For summe ben lewid, summe ben shrewid,” which is a common phrase in Middle English poetry.
- 82.
As when he applies imagery from Revelations to Jack: “This pitte is the depnes, Jak, of your malice / The smorthering smoke is your dymme doctrine / That flieth out from the flawmes of the develis malice” (175–77). He continues with his own metaphors to describe Jack’s perfidy: “Ye ben tothed as a lioun by stynkyng detraccion / Your haburjons that ye han upon ben cautleles and sleights / Ech intrikid in order to snarre simple soules” (187–9).
- 83.
See, for example, his response from 470 to 486 to Jack’s claim that the friars are too wealthy and behave as if they owned the land. He never actually explains the friars’ financial position, but just tries to distract the reader’s attention and shift blame.
- 84.
I. Stackhouse, “The Native Roots of Early English Reformation Theology,” Evangelical Quarterly 66, no. 1 (1994): 30; Donald Dean Smeeton, Lollard Themes in the Reformation Theology of William Tyndale (Kirksville: Sixteenth Century Journal Publishers, 1986), 156.
- 85.
Douglas Moo, The Letter of James (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2009), 18.
- 86.
Dean, Six Ecclesiastical Satires, n.p.; Rodman-Jones, Radical Pastoral, 76.
- 87.
P.L. Heyworth, “Jack Upland’s Rejoinder, a Lollard Interpolator and Piers Plowman B.X.249f,” Medium Aevum 36 (1967): 242, 245.
- 88.
One example is folio 12v. Lines 323–329 are in the top margin, while lines 311–322 are in the bottom. The editorial choice has strong support, since it appears that part way through the poem the scribe began to keep his poem in the lower margins, only spilling into the upper when necessary. However, without any rhyme scheme, and with similar Biblical quotations about falseness, sin, and hypocrisy, as well as connections to the text preceding and following, an alternate order would be easily defensible.
- 89.
The section in Upland reads as follows: “And thus for to encrese with so many freris is greet cumbraunce to the puple and agens Goddis wille that made al thingis in mesoure, noumbre, and weight; and Crist ordeyned twelve apostlis with fewe othere prestis to do servyce to alle the world, and thanne was it best don. And right as foure fingris and a thombe on a man helpith hym to worche, and double so many on oon hond schuld lette hym, and treble schuld lette hym more; and so to many freris and othere ordris passynge the ordinaunce of God lettith Cristis Chirche togrowe to hevene.” For comparison, the section echoing it in the Reply is as follows: “More over thou movest multipliyng of so many freris—Whiche encresen combrouseli ayens Goddis wille (Sith preestis with other religious myghte serve the peple)—For twelve apostlis and fewe moo serveden al the world, And mo fyngris on myn hond than foure and the thombe Amenusith my worching more than it acresith. And so thou seist that freris letten Cristis growinge in to heven.”
- 90.
I am put in mind of Lawton’s statement that such dullness is “the social mask of the Renaissance poet” and Rodman-Jones’ alignment of Upland’s claims to simplicity with Reformation identity formation.
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Phillips, N. (2019). Vernacular Makynge, Jack Upland, and the Aesthetics of Antifraternalism. In: Jager, K. (eds) Vernacular Aesthetics in the Later Middle Ages. The New Middle Ages. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-18334-9_9
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-18334-9_9
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