Abstract
The definition of marriage in The Fundamental Law of Hungary highlights its heteronormativity and connection with the idea of the nation. However, all these elements show continuity since state socialism 3 or before. One of my goals in this chapter is to demonstrate that there is no rigid line between state socialism and its aftermath, especially with regard to practices and popular discourses. I examine some myths concerning the family in state socialism and then discuss the present situation, with special attention to the situation of LGBTQ people, in postsocialist countries, especially Hungary.
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Notes
- 1.
‘Magyarország védi a házasság intézményét mint férfi és nő között, önkéntes elhatározás alapján létrejött életközösséget, valamint a családot mint a nemzet fennmaradásának alapját.’ My translation (to my knowledge, no official English translation exists).
- 2.
Officially it is not called ‘constitution’ (alkotmány) but ‘Fundamental Law’ (Alaptörvény).
- 3.
Works about this political regime alternate between using the terms ‘socialism,’ ‘state socialism’ and ‘communism.’ The last one, however, is problematic, as it originally meant the ideal future that countries of the Soviet bloc were striving towards. The countries themselves defined their regime as socialism, but this might easily be confused with the social democratic system of some other countries. Therefore, I find ‘state socialism’ the most suitable term; for the sake of shortness, however, I refer to the period afterwards as ‘postsocialism.’
- 4.
For a critique of such works about Russia, see Baer (2002).
- 5.
This included anyone whose ancestors were not industrial laborers or landless agricultural workers; everyone else was considered ‘reactionary.’
- 6.
See Moss (1995) for another parallel between political dissidence and homosexuality under state socialism, to be discussed below.
- 7.
It may not be accidental that this happened at the same time as the lawsuits against the leaders of the 1956 revolution (Takács and P. Tóth 2015): potentially the state wanted to refute accusations of dictatorship by allowing its citizens certain freedoms in the private sphere, like East Germany did later (Tóth and Murai 2014).
- 8.
- 9.
Though we must be aware that this was achieved gradually, with the breadwinner–homemaker model still dominating middle-class public discourses in 1960s Hungary (Neményi 2000).
- 10.
State socialism made unemployment invisible by withdrawing young mothers from the workforce (see above) and by criminalizing the unemployed as ‘work-evaders’ who represent a danger to society (Varsa 2014).
- 11.
Who incidentally was a lesbian, though her right-wing fans choose to ignore this fact (Kurimay 2014).
- 12.
The only postsocialist country where abortion regulations became more liberal after the transition is Romania, as there abortion restrictions are associated with pronatalist state socialism (Magyari-Vincze 2009; Verdery 1996). This example illustrates that practices and policies are embraced or rejected on the basis of whether they evoke the memory of state socialism rather than as parts of a coherent postsocialist policy.
- 13.
This was not a specific effort to acknowledge same-sex sexualities; they simply abolished the complete Criminal Code and did not introduce a new law banning homosexuality (Karlinsky 1989).
- 14.
Although Poland, where homosexuality had been legal since the 1930s, did not make efforts to criminalize it either (Szulc 2017).
- 15.
Western sexological discourses were imported to Russia to argue for the medicalization of homosexuality (Essig 1999) and the homosexual subculture existing during the short period of decriminalization did make use of Western models (Healey 2001), but I am not aware of connections between Soviet Russian and Western LGBTQ communities after the 1930s.
- 16.
Although these events always take place at the weekend, it is worth bearing in mind that the necessity of having second or even third jobs to make a living, as well as lax labor regulations which allow employers an almost endless exploitation of workers, mean that these are workdays for many Hungarians.
- 17.
There are no counterdemonstrations against these, but during half-marathons I do experience aggressive comments and gestures from passers-by. Also, most mass sport events have recently been organized in places which are pedestrian zones anyway because the municipality did not give permission to close down streets, possibly at citizens’ requests.
- 18.
Budapest Pride has existed since 1997, but public protest against it was negligible until 2007, which supports my theory about the connection to party politics. Since 2015, the attacks have all but disappeared; this may partly be due to strong police presence at the march, but I believe that the weakening and fragmentation of extreme right-wing parties may also play a part.
- 19.
Or a friend; over the years my apartment has served as the official seat for three different organizations (of one I am not even a member), because I am one of the very few LGBTQ activists who owns her own place.
- 20.
This is a problem at some Western organizations as well (Eva Dumont, personal communication).
- 21.
- 22.
With the increased use of community websites for social organizing, this claim could be challenged, but I have not seen any study that would have disproven it.
- 23.
As I discuss below, in Hungary this seems to be true for the family as well.
- 24.
Which only exists on the formal level in contemporary Russia (Edenborg 2017) and Hungary, but the statement is also true for the period when there truly was a multi-party system.
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Béres-Deák, R. (2020). The Family in (Post)Socialist Hungary. In: Queer Families in Hungary . Palgrave Macmillan Studies in Family and Intimate Life. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-16319-8_2
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