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Technological Progress as a Culturological Problem

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Juri Lotman - Culture, Memory and History
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Abstract

Abrupt changes in a society’s system of scientific and technological concepts occur often in the history of human culture. There are moments, however, when these changes become so far-reaching that they result in the total transformation of peoples’ way of life and of their cultural understandings. Such periods are typically referred to as scientific or technological revolutions. In the early 1960s Thomas Kuhn wrote in The Structure of Scientific Revolutions: “Examining the record of past research from the vantage of contemporary historiography, the historian of science may be tempted to exclaim that when paradigms change, the world itself changes with them.” He then concludes: “Of course, nothing of quite that sort does occur; […] outside the laboratory everyday affairs usually continue as before” (Kuhn, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions. 2nd ed. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1970, p. 111). Only 20 years have passed since then, but today, there are few who would subscribe to this good-natured view. There are, of course, constant changes in science and technology that contribute to the slow accumulation of materials for explosions, the echoes of which are heard far outside the walls of laboratories and scientists’ offices. Can we say that after the invention of paper or gunpowder or after the scientific mastering of electricity, life “outside the walls of the laboratory” continued along its usual course? Nevertheless, even those changes, the consequences of which have been so great, are only intermediary stages when we look at such vast epochs as the Neolithic revolution, the invention of writing, the invention of printing, and the revolution in science and technology we are experiencing today.

Originally published as “Tekhnicheskii progress kak kul’turologicheskaia problema,” Trudy po znakovym sistemam 22, 1988: 97–116. The translation here is from Iurii Lotman, Semiosfera, 622–638. St. Petersburg: Iskusstvo–SPb, 2000.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Despite the enormous consequences of these inventions, we are using them only as signs to signify entire epochs (the epoch in which history emerged and the epoch of transition from an ancient and medieval world to the early modern period, the latter commonly referred to as the Renaissance). Singling out printing is, therefore, a somewhat relative move.

  2. 2.

    This last statement is correct only in the most general sense and requires a caveat. One cannot propose that pre-literature societies did not have complex forms of memory. The high level of development of mnemonics was reflected in the preservation of enormous epic texts. And the existence of collective memory, preserved with the help of rites and rituals and the designation of a special institute of “memory keepers,” is supported by a large amount of evidence. And so, for example, prewritten cultures in the Peruvian highlands created irrigation systems and structures, the building of which required a significant degree of organization. Moreover, these civilizations were probably prewritten. Natural landmarks and heavenly bodies were evidently used as mnemonic signs to support cultural memory. The advent of literacy apparently consigned to oblivion the developed cultures of oral memory. In Plato’s Phaedrus, the inventor of writing, Theuth, says to the Egyptian king: “This invention, O king, will make the Egyptians wiser and will improve their memories.” To which the king replies: “For this invention will produce forgetfulness in the minds of those who learn to use it, because they will not practice their memory. Their trust in writing, produced by external characters which are no part of themselves. […] You have invented an elixir not of memory, but of reminding” (Plato 2014, 565). Referencing the cyclical movement of the stars for instructions regarding agricultural work is very common among prewritten peoples. The expression “the book of stars” (Baratynsky ) was not a metaphor for them. (For more on this, see Chap. 11 in this volume.)

  3. 3.

    See Zhirmunskii (1978) and Anikst (1983).

  4. 4.

    For more on this, see Lotman (1996) and Kovacs (1973).

  5. 5.

    The plot of the story, however, is somewhat more complex than Speranskii presents it. According to Caesarius, the devil initially offers the student a stone that would give him “all knowledge.” The student accepts the stone but then confesses his sin and throws the stone away at the advice of his confessor. For this, he is later raised from the dead and eventually becomes the abbot of the monastery of Morimond (Caesarius 1929) (Translator’s note).

  6. 6.

    See Delumeau (1978), Roskoff (1869), Janssen (1894), and Osborn (1893).

  7. 7.

    Compare the woeful misunderstanding of the phenomenon of “demonomania” on the part of nineteenth-century positivists, such as Bandrillart: “Absurd, fanaticism, ridiculous, disgusting—this is what should be written in the margins of every page of this deplorable book” (Bandrillart 1853, 189).

  8. 8.

    See Todorov (1984), in which he examines the question of cultural confrontation. For a broader look at the question, see Chaunu (1969).

  9. 9.

    Scholars studying the subject of witches in Africa have emphasized the connection between internal family quarrels and accusations of witchcraft. They also note that the abrupt introduction of Western civilization into traditional African societies exacerbated the problem, producing outbursts of “demonomania.” See also Macfarlane (1970, 167).

  10. 10.

    For more on this, see Naudé (1625).

  11. 11.

    For more on von Nettesheim, see Orsier (1911), Briusov (1913), and Nauert (1965).

  12. 12.

    See Roskoff (1869, II, 339–341), Soldan (1880, I, 298), and Janssen (1894, VIII, 528).

  13. 13.

    This symbolic return of the “dagger” as a political symbol had a reverse influence on the practice of conspirators. Consider the murder by the stabbing of Alexander von Kotzebue by Karl Ludwig Sand and of the Duke of Berry by Louis Pierre Louvelle, or the regicide of the Russian tsar planned by Mikhail Lunin in 1816. Incidentally, when the pistol appeared on the field of battle in 1544, “it quickly won success and from the second half of the sixteenth century became the preferred weapon in political murders” (Delumeau 1967, 187). The “return” of the dagger decreased efficiency, but this only highlighted the symbolic function of the act.

  14. 14.

    See Searle (1969, 72–94).

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Lotman, J. (2019). Technological Progress as a Culturological Problem. In: Tamm, M. (eds) Juri Lotman - Culture, Memory and History. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-14710-5_15

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